The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening Morning News and The Echo. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 26, 1906. THE PROSPECTS OF IRELAND.

Auckland Star, Volume XXXVII, Issue 230, 26 September 1906, Page 4

The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening Morning News and The Echo.

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 26, 1906. THE PROSPECTS OF IRELAND.

for the cause that lacks assistance. For ihc wrong that needs resistance, For the future in the distance. And tlie good that ice can do.

Within the present year the course o"f political events at Home has been moving steadily in the direction of Home R.ule for Ireland. But though all the omens seem favourable for the ultimate realisation of Ireland's ambitions, there is no probability that any immediate change will take place in the relations that bind togpHier the component parts of the United Kingdom. It is true that Sir Henry Carnpbell-Bannernian before the elections practically pledged himself to Home Bule in the distant future; that several prominent members of the Government are declared Home Rulers; and that recently many circumstantial rumours have been afloat as to the preparation of a scheme of local self-govern-ment for Ireland that would give the Nationalists almost everything but the power or the opportunity to separate their country from England. But the Nationalists are impatient of these long delays. They do not want to be put oiT with temporary makeshifts. They wish as their leader has said, to secure all that can be got for Ireland "before the Liberal party shall have outstayed its welcome and lost its driving power." . And so we find Mr. Redmond and his colleagues solemnly warning the Liberal Government that they must not expect Ireland to be content Tvith anything less than the "irreducible minimum," -which has so often been defined as "an Irish Parliament freely elected and an Executive responsible to it."

The position just now is certainly a difficult and dangerous one,- so far as the Liberal party is concerned. The fact that " Devolution " is coming to the front again, and that Lord Dunraven and his friends are thinking of convoking the land conference once more shows that Sir Henry Campbell-Bannennan is anxious to keep the crisis at arm's length as long as he can. But the Nationalists have already assured the Liberals that "Devolution"—that is to say the delegation of certain definite duties and responsibilities to the Irish people and to representative bodies elected by them—will not be enough to satisfy their needs. And we may at least assume that the same answer would, be made to any such scheme as the system of local self-government that Sir Henry Campbell-Bannennan is said to have offered—including an Irish Parliament at Dublin, limited to the administration of Irish affairs. Last year Mr. Redmond said that he and his followers would be willing to accept autonomy for Ireland on the basis proposed by Mr. Gladstone in 18S6 and 1893, but they would take nothing less. When he moved his amendment to the address in reply, in favour of an immediate and radical change in the government of Ireland he reasserted his conviction that Ireland would never be content with less than would have been secured by Gladstone's Home Kule BOls. Whatever else may be Ehouglit of. Mr, Redmond ex. Ms Jjojicy,.

be is at least outspoken aud consistent, £LZZ<3. -we need not "£>e stirprised "fco iiear .again t-iiat tbe Rationalist leacler*s innttenee "wiU te used to tlie utmost to secure fch.e rejection of any proposal tiiat 'would" endanger the prestige .and power of "the Irisii IN"at.iona.list party or weaken and disrupt the national movement." Considering the numbers of tlie Xationalist party in the House, and the fact that they may be trusted to vote "solid," Liberal leaders certainly have a difficult position, to face. Yet, quite irrespective of the merits of the question and considering Mr. Redmond's attitude merely as a point in political tactics. "\ve may doubt his wisdom in adopting this "irreconcilable" tone at the present juncture. As we have pointed out, many of tlie Liberal leaders — notably tlie Premier, Lord Aberdeen, Mr. Bryee and Mr. Morley—are strongly inclined towards Home Rule. But though they are prepared to concede to Ireland the fullest powers for the administration of her own affairs, they are not inclined to adopt separation as a political programme. Now, whatever he the cause, there can be no kind of -doubt that the tone taken by the extreme section of the Nationalist party has been such as to -warrant serious apprehension as to the fate of the union if once complete autonomy were granted to Ireland. Under these circumstances it would i surely be judicious policy on the part of the Nationalist leaders to accept any reasonable opportunity of proving to the Unionists—whether Liberal or Conservative—that Home Rule does not necessarily imply any lack of loyalty to England or any serious injury to British Imperial interests. Such an opportunity rwould certainly be afforded by the acceptance of any practicable scheme of local s-elf-government; and there is no doubt that a large section of the Liberal party would vote for such a scheme at the present time. But if Mr. Redmond's demand for "the whole Home Rule Bill and nothing but the bill" is repeated too often and too loudly, it will inevitably frighten the Liberal Unionists once more into the arms of Mr. Balfour or Mr. Chamberlain. Whatever •Mγ. Redmond may think or feel, no English statesman would dare to put forward the policy of a separate Government for Ireland involving a separate national existence; and any attempt to force matters in this direction before the Nationalists have given proof of their capacity to manage Irish affairs without endangering the Union may lead to irremediable disaster. There will be the Unionist stampede of 18SG over again, and the realisation of Ireland's hopes will be farther off than ever.