UNKNOWN. FRIDAY, APRIL 21, 1893.

Auckland Star, Volume XXIV, Issue 93, 21 April 1893, Page 2

UNKNOWN.

FRIDAY, APRIL 21, 1893.

for tin causa that Jacks asßistano?, Tor t.h» Tsriong that Beads rswßtanoo, lor the futura in ths distanoo, Aad ths sood that we can oo-

Unrest is Ihe condition in Europe between capital and labour. In London, Hull, and Bristol, the Shipping Federation and Seamens' Union, when on. the point of engaging in a great contest, have apparently listened to proposals for the adjustment of the dispute before resorting to strikes and other forms ot active hostilities, though a cablegram states that ioo,oco me;; would cease work in London on the 18th inst. But as the latest cablegrams do not announce that this has taken place, we may hope that wiser counsels are prevailing, and that the proposed peaceable adjustment is in progress. Should the negotiations fail, and a genera! strike of seamen and firemen take place at al" ports of the United Kingdom, a very serious state of things would at once arise.

The noisy labowr leaders who propose a general strike, have evidently very little knowledge and no experience of what such a strike means. On this side of the world we know something about a " general strike " and its consequences, for in 1890 Australasia witnessed the most complete general strike the industrial world has yet exoerisnced. In New Zealand, where «ood humour and moderation were, prominent, 40,000 men were on strike, but in Australia almost every industry by sea or land was paralysed for months. Trade and commerce were completely disorganised, many necessaries of life were difficult to obtain and thousands ot households were puC to most serious inconvenience. What were the sufferings of the women and children of the strikers they alone could tell. The Trades' Unions who organised this great strike fought a great civil battle, but their funds failing, they were beaten at all points and surrendered at discretion, without having secured any of their objects.

This great and unprecedented straggle broke down because its policy was bad, and the mode of -carrying it out worse. The policy of a "general strike" aims at a complete deadlock, by whicn all employment absolutely ceases, with the object of putting every member of the community to the greatest possible inconvenience. As happened in Australasia this course is certain to turn public opinion again.*!: the Trades' Unions and the strikers who obey their commands. Such a policy quickly defeats itself. The mode of carrying it 01U ensures its defeat, because as soon as the lunds at the disposal of the Trades' Unions are exhausted, which such a gigantic straggle soon brings to pass, no workmen being left at work to make weekly levies upon, the whole movement collapses for want of money.

That was the end of the great Australasian general strike in 1890. A similar fate awaits every general strike in the United Kingdom. We say every general strike, but we venture to predict that the first " general strike " in England will be the last for a generation, for the bitter experience of Australasian strikers will be thatoi English strikers. One such wager pf battle will be as in one case as ji* the other.

Workmen are perfectly justified in combining in Trades' Unions to secure their rights, for no single workman has the slightest chance of succeeding against capital, apart from the goodwill of his employer. Workmen are light in combining to secure shorter hours or for an increase of pay, and.if other means fail they are within their rights in "striking" to secure these objects; but when they or their Trades' Unions seek to prevent other workmen—not members of the unions—from working, they are interfering with every man's' natural right and freedom, of action to sell his labour where it suits him best. Every attempt to prevent him doing so is neither more nor less than tyranny, which no free community will support or permit to exist, for it strikes at every man's personal freedom, which is the foundation upon which all our rights rest. ; What "is the difference between a free man and a slave ? Chiefly this : The free man can work for any employer he pleases; the slave has no choice, he can.only work for one employer—the man who owns him. Freedom of contract is the heritage of every free man ; a slave knows-nothing of it. '"' " : ■'

Freedom of contract is the strong point or capital. It is just as much the strong point of labour. Any departure from it is simply the forcible seizure of a man's personal liberty by the irresponsible leaders who control the Trades' Uniorjs. If a workman desires to join a Trades' Union, there is no power to prevent him. If he does not so desire there can be no rightful power to compel,him. This condition is a weak point in Trades' Unions, and the sooner they recognise ireedom of contract the better.

The plain truth is, that combination of capital or of labour, though they may be necessary for the present, arc but tha evidences of the rampant mercenary and selfish spirit which bas been permitted to dominate both the parties in ihe past. The great contest which appears to be preparing in many countries, is practically civil war, in which, if it comes to pass, there may possibly be little blood shed, but in which there will be untold suffering and misery for labour, and certain loss and ruin for capital. There is a good dejiii of truth in Ben Tillet's pithy saying that "a mighty democratic wave is beating against the citadel of greed," but unless force is a remedy, the victors and the vanquished may be involved in a common ruin. But iorce is no remedy, unless cutting off a man's head be a satisfactory cure for headache. . • ■

The remedy lies not in force, but.in Conciliation and Arbitration, and we are glad to see that the Right Hon. Mr Mundella intends to introduce a Bill into the House of Commons, empowering the Board of Trade to appoint Boards of Conciliation and * Arbitration. The weak point about this Bill is that the Boards are to be Dominated. In these democratic days, nominee Boards will carry no weight and settle no disputes in a manner satisfactory to either of the contending parties. To be really effective, the Boards must be elected by capitalists and labourers, in some such manner as Mr Reeves' Bill provided.

When capital and labour recognise that their interests are one, when both parties do to each other as they wish to have done unto them, we shall enter upon a new and a better era. of industrial progress, but not till then.