PAN-GERMANISM

ITS WIDER ASPECTS

WORK OF TEUTONS ABROAD

?0R NAZI PKOPAGANDA

"Pan-Germanism" is a movement for the union of all Germans in a "Greater Germany." By "Germans" is meant

not merely the subjects of the present Reich but all persons of German

"race," writes a special correspondent of the "Manchester Guardian." "PanGermanism" is the official policy of the National Socialists and has, since they have been in power, become the policy of the Reich. It is clear that the Germans residing, for example, in the United States cannot be incorporated in any future Germany, however much "Greater" it may be, .but a sustained and organised effort is made to bind even these more closely to the Fatherland, so that they may be carriers of German political and economic influence throughout the world. It is those who live in the countries bordering on Germany, that are marked, for actual incorporation. They include the Austrians the "Sudetic Germans" in Czechoslovakia, the Danzigers, and others. Some Pan-Germans even include the Swiss and the Luxemburgers. The "Auslandsdeutsche," as Germans resident abroad are called, have a union, the V.D.A. ("Volksbund fuer das Deutschtum im Ausland"), which was founded in 1881. The V.D.A. existed to maintain close relations with the Fatherland and to promote German interests everywhere. AGENTS OF EXPANSION. Since the National-Socialist Dictatorship was established most of the work done by the V.D.A. has been controlled by the National Socialists themselves, or, more particularly, by the "Foreign Department" of the party ("Auslandsabteiluhg der N.S.D.A.P."), by the German Ministry of Propaganda, by the "Foreign Bureau" of the party ("Aussenpolitische Abteilung der N.S.D.A.P."), of which Dr. Rosenberg is the head, and by a special department in the bureau of Rudolf Hess ("Verbindungsstab Rudolf Hess"), the leader of the party and a friend of Hitler's. ' The "Auslandsdeutsche" are therefore controlled by a very powerful system (in so far as they are "loyal" in the National Socialist sense, which they have to be if they ever wish to see the Fatherland again). And to this extent they are instruments, and often the very effective instruments, of German foreign policy—that is to say, of Pan-German expansion. But the V.D.A. still has its importance. It has far greater practical experience of the outside world than the National Socialist party has. It tends to be Conservative rather than Radical It is often able to save the National Socialists ' from blunders that might antagonise foreign Governments. Thus the V.D.A. exercises an important advisory function. Its views on the ultimate aims of German foreign policy are, of course, identical with those of the National Socialist dictatorship, only it stands for more caution in carrying out that policy. MEMORANDUM TO HESS.

The V.D.A. has submitted a memorandum to Rudolf Hess, giving him certain directives in the interest of Pan-Germanism, briefly surveying the conditions under which Pan-German-ism can be promoted, so that the final aim may be achieved the more surely.. The memorandum—which is marked "strictly confidential"—is all the more interesting because it represents the more moderate aspects of German foreign policy. It points out that since the National Socialist Dictatorship was established, Germans resident abroad have been asserting their "Germanism" ("Deutschtum") more than they did before, while "foreign peoples" (like the Czechs, Poles, and others) have increased their pressure on these Germans and have replied "with severe measures" ("mrthartem Zugriff"). The prohibition of the National Socialist party in Czechoslovakia is given as an example, though this measure, as the memorandum is careful to point out, has been a failure, for a successful substitute "erfolgreiche Ersatzform" has been found in the "Sudeten--deutsche Heimatfront" (who are usually known as the "Henlein Germans," after their leader Henlein, who visited London recently). The pressure on the Germans overseas so the memorandum continues, is less severe, although it is increasing "in the British Empire as well as in South America." _ The younger German emigrants "look upon themselves as the carriers of genuine National Socialism," while there is "a danger" that "older residents" ("Alteingesessene") will •be forced into indifference or assimilation." ! CAUTION; NEEDED. 'it is necessary "to preserve the substance of German nationhood" ("des deutschen Volkstums") abroad as far as possible and to avert internal friction. But it is dangerous, so the memorandum continues, for Germans abroad lo adopt the same political forms that exist in Germany, all the more so as the help that can be given by the Fatherland is limited by the caution that has to be observed in the conduct of German foreign policy and by the shortage of foreign currency. Danzig is given as an example of the latter. There is, so the memorandum continues, "a growing danger that considerable Catholic sections of. the German groups [abroad] may .be estranged ." The' "co-ordination" ("Gleichsciialtung") of Germans abroad should never be carried out .'/silently," and never "abruptly" by the Fatherland. Some economic support must be given, "in spite of the shortage of currency" in Germany itself. Germany must also make a stand for the political rights of the German minorities in her negotiations with the foreign Governments that have sovereignty over them. Poland is given as an example of the special difficulties in making such a staVid.. ■The memorandum goes on to say that the greatest care must be taken to avoid' mistakes ("Unvprsichtigkeiten") that will expose German foreign policy to the suspicion ?f being "imperialistic'," especially in the countries that border on Germany. The memorandum declares that Germans abroad' can "be factors of the highest political importance," and gives the Germans in the United States (in connection with the Presidential elections) and the Germans in Rumania (in connection with Hungarian revisionism) as examples. Of special interest is the following passage in the memorandum: The Sudetlc Germans (In Czechoslovakia) can make the military value of Czechoslovakia In the French system of alliances questionable. The same Smlctlo Germans ran also "Influence" the succession to President Masarvk (Or. Benes has been eleHed since) ami the continuance of Dr. Benes in office or his fall. "GERMANS" ABROAD. Attached to the memorandum is an instructive estimate of the number of "Germans" resident abroad. The number of actual German sub-

jects outside Germany is given at less than 1,000,000, but the term "Germans" includes not only the inhabitants of Germany proper—it also includes "deutsche Volksangehoerige" —that is to say, those who belong to the German people' or the German race. These include the Austrians, the German-speaking Swiss, the Danzigers, and the inhabitants of Leichtenstein and Luxemburg. These number 10,400,000 in all (according to the figures given at the end of the memorandum). The numbers of Germans in "foreign States" ("fremdvoelkische Staaten") are given as follows:— Czechoslovakia n.."i0Q.000 rnlnnd 1,500,(100 ■■"vruire 1,500,000 nuniania 1,000.000 Yugoslavia SOO.ono llimeary (iOO.ooo lla lv 31)0,0110 Baltic Slates 2.10,000 Soviet Union 1,000,0(10 The numbers of Germans resident overseas are given as follows:— rnltcrt Stales *10.000.000 nra ,ji 1,000,000 . ?,i :::: -mono Australia 150,000,. Arsentina ISO.nno Africa •• «0.000 •lntlirnteil us being an "uncertain figure." The total number of "Auslandsdeutsche," according to the figures of the V.D.A. as submitted, to Rudolf Hess, comes to 32,690,000. These, in addition to the 63,000,000 inhabitants of Germany proper, are potential agents for the achievement of the "Greater Germany' or the spread of German power and influence. The round figure of 100,000,000 is frequently given in Germany nowadays as the total number of Germans in the world.