A Fraught Relationship: The Early Years of the Alexander Turnbull Library and the General Assembly Library

Turnbull Library Record, Volume 43, 1 January 2010, Page 11

A Fraught Relationship: The Early Years of the Alexander Turnbull Library and the General Assembly Library

JOHN E. MARTIN

Introduction The Alexander Turnbull Library was established at a time when New Zealand was considering setting up government-sponsored national cultural institutions, and when a number of influential figures and strong personalities took a leading role in fashioning these institutions. It was perhaps inevitable that their creation was bound up with politics and that personal clashes emerged. This article, with the aid of additional archival material held in the Parliamentary Library, teases out the Turnbull Library's relationship in its early years with the General Assembly Library (now the Parliamentary Library), and in particular the role of its Chief Librarians, Charles Wilson and Guy Scholefield. A. G. Bagnall's article 'A Troubled Childhood' traverses this period. 1 It reveals the library's shaky beginnings - its inability to add to its collections, the lack of a catalogue and proper reading room, and the missed opportunity of holding official archives. Here, we look at some of these issues again in relation to the General Assembly Library.

By the time Alexander Turnbull made a start on his collection of books, in the late 1880 s, the General Assembly Library had become New Zealand's premier library and was beginning to make claims to be its de facto 'national library'. At the turn of the century it moved into more spacious quarters and at the same time gained the valuable legal deposit provisions for the country. From this time it sought to become the national repository not only for books and periodicals but also for newspapers and archives. In June 1918 Alexander Turnbull died and bequested his magnificent collection to the nation. 2 With his death the issue immediately arose of the relationship of the collection to a national library and a national archives.

Establishment of the Turnbull Library

General Assembly Chief Librarian and book collector Charles Wilson was very excited by this unexpected opportunity. The government had decided that he was to control the library. 3 He excitedly proclaimed that its 'bibliophilic treasures' surpassed anything else in the country apart from the Grey collection in Auckland. The books were in immaculate condition and many had been bound by the best binders available. Wilson even wanted to live in Turnbull's house, where the collection was situated, and quite likely wanted to absorb it into the General Assembly Library. 4

The decision was somewhat controversial. W. H. Triggs, a friend of Turnbull and editor of the Christchurch Press , stated emphatically and publicly that it was 'inexcusable' for the library to merge with the General Assembly Library; it would be less accessible to the public and materials might be borrowed by MPs. 5 Turnbull's friend, Archdeacon Herbert W. Williams was:

horrified at the thought of [Wilson] having anything to do with [the library]. In confidence I may say that I hear that [Wilson] informed the Pub. Trustee that it was Turnbull's earnest wish that it should be under his control. Having heard Turnbull's opinion of Wilson I have no hesitation in saying that the former could never have had any such desire. I took the opportunity of having a talk with Sir F. D. Bell on the subject. He tells me that Wilson has & is to have no connexion with it. I trust this is true. 6

Wilson argued that he had a long-standing relationship with Turnbull and knew the collection well. The exact nature of this relationship is difficult to gauge, but it seems that Wilson did have a good knowledge of Turnbull's collection and some insight into his thoughts. The Public Trust Office, which administered the terms of the bequest, was given to believe that Wilson 'was an intimate friend of the deceased and was acquainted with his wishes ... those wishes were that the library should form an annex to the General Assembly Library'. 7

It does appear that the pair had fairly regular and amicable dealings. Turnbull's biographer, E. H. McCormick, describes Wilson as being on 'the fringe' of Wellington's loose 'association of scholars and collectors'. 8 He gives a couple of examples of their dealings - Turnbull offered Wilson a pamphlet for his collection at one point, and on another occasion he sent a book to him along with a letter 'filled with literary chitchat'. 9

Files at the Parliamentary Library fill out the relationship somewhat. Following an enquiry by a Legislative Councillor in 1912, Wilson discussed this with Turnbull, who had agreed to make his library available to the Councillor. The following year

Wilson, responding to another enquiry, said: 'I have no doubt ... my friend, Mr Alex Turnbull, who possesses the finest collection of papers and documents on our history' would be happy to assist with access to his library. 10 Following a Sunday afternoon discussion in 1914, Wilson's recommended bibliographic source became the basis of Turnbull's Quaritch order (see below). 11

Wilson in his supervisory capacity became a central figure in determining the direction of Turnbull's collection. 12 With his assistant, Johannes Andersen, Wilson immediately assessed the collection and looked over Turnbull's house. 13 He also considered the library's official name, its choice of furniture and fittings, the library's work plan, bookplate designs, and ordering of books and subscription lists. 14 Wilson's rationalisation of the lists in the light of General Assembly Library holdings and a wish to avoid duplication was accepted by Internal Affairs. 15 He demonstrated a detailed knowledge of Turnbull's orders and collections.

Wilson attended to the house's interior. 16 He recommended nearly £6OO of additional fittings. While some of the special bookcases should be kept to maintain the 'dignity' of the library, not all should be retained. Carpets were not necessary; cork linoleum was much more suitable for a public institution. And was it really necessary for expensive brocade curtains?

Wilson recommended Andersen for the job of Turnbull Librarian and he was duly appointed in January 1919. 17 Wilson described Andersen as having 'cultured literary taste, unremitting zeal and industry'. 18 However, he had perhaps not appreciated the extent to which Andersen had his eye on Wilson's own job, since Andersen believed he would replace Wilson. This would sow the seeds for a longstanding grievance. Andersen began work, but with the proviso that he work in the General Assembly Library during the parliamentary session of 1919.

With Andersen installed, Wilson made it clear that he was still in charge and Internal Affairs ensured that Andersen consulted with Wilson. 19 Andersen began to bridle being at Wilson's beck and call, and a confrontation erupted over a memorandum that Wilson refused to pass on to Internal Affairs. 20 Andersen point blank said that he took his orders from Internal Affairs. Wilson had also been angered by Andersen's decision to attend a science conference in Christchurch rather than work on cataloguing. Andersen in his mind had altered the room allocation and generally proceeded without consultation.

In a letter to the Minister for the Legislative Department, Wilson sought confirmation of his place. He reminded the Minister that for nearly 20 years Turnbull had consulted him on purchasing, and that no-one other than Turnbull's friend Charles Ewen had a better knowledge of the collection than himself. 21 Wilson's role was confirmed and he was given the formal title of Advisory Director at a rate of £SO per annum. He reported to the Minister of Internal Affairs and signed off Andersen's annual reports.

Wilson was instrumental in setting future selection policy. The Turnbull Library should avoid duplication with the General Assembly Library and the Dominion Museum Library. It should specialise in the 'history, geography, ethnology, and folk-lore' of New Zealand, Australia and the Pacific. Subscriptions and ordering lists were reviewed with this in mind. 22 For its part, the General Assembly Library would no longer seek 'rare and expensive works of literature dealing with the early history of New Zealand, Australia, and the Pacific'. 23 It would focus on 'recent and current literature, with special reference to economics, political science, and other branches of sociology, history, and biography'.

One outstanding commitment outside this policy was the Quaritch order. This was a massive wartime order of British theatrical literature worth more than £6OO from Bernard Quaritch in London. 24 Wilson, closely involved in the original order, argued that Turnbull had intended to form a more modest collection than Quaritch had put together, to supplement an existing collection of English dramatists. Despite this he recommended that the entire order be honoured. The prices were reasonable, and it was a fairly complete and interesting collection that would supplement the existing collection admirably. The government acceded to his recommendation.

Wilson and Andersen differed markedly over an appropriate budget for the library. Andersen suggested that more than £2,000 per annum would be required to collect all New Zealand, Australian and Pacific publications. 25 He observed that Turnbull had spent £2,000 annually on purchases and another £SOO on binding. The Mitchell Library in Sydney had indicated that this amount would be required to keep up with Australasian literature. This was a massive sum by the standards of the day; the General Assembly Library itself had an annual vote of only £6OO for purchases. Wilson disagreed with Andersen's estimate that more than £I,OOO would be required for Australian purchases; he thought £IOO-200 was a more realistic figure.

Andersen's aspiration to continue Turnbull's own level of purchasing was just not possible. The available funds were in line with Wilson's modest estimates and with the statement made by the Minister of Internal Affairs - that the library should obtain the necessary reference works relating to New Zealand and Australia in order to keep up-to-date. 26 Over the next 15 years on average the library would receive £2,407 per annum, approximately half was for salaries. Purchases of books and papers averaged only £266, while binding cost £483 per annum. General expenses annually were £330 for furniture, fittings, repairs and maintenance. 27

In 1919-20, parts of the collection were readied for public access. Some 3,000 volumes of voyages, travels and science relating to the Pacific were classified, catalogued and put on the shelves. 28 A further 4,000 volumes of history, description and sociology were being dealt with. A total of more than 30,000 volumes had

to be catalogued, together with thousands of pamphlets, letters, maps and charts. This, it was optimistically estimated, would take three to five years to prepare. In June 1920 the Minister of Internal Affairs, G. J. Anderson, officially opened the Turnbull Library to the public.

Politics and Public Service Johannes Andersen bided his time for the General Assembly position, waiting for Wilson's retirement. The stress of Wilson's job mounted in the early 1920 s as the Speaker of the House Charles Statham and the new Clerk, E. W. Kane, sought greater control over the General Assembly Library. Having crossed swords with Kane some years earlier, Wilson tried to deal directly with the Minister for the Legislative Department rather than going through Kane. Kane believed that Wilson's Turnbull Library role meant that he was spending insufficient time on his own job and was getting in Andersen's way. Wilson began to suffer from hypertension and his management of the library deteriorated. 29 He had to retire in 1926.

There were numerous applicants for the plum position of Chief Librarian, including Andersen. The appointment of Dr Guy Scholefield, journalist and historian, and his generous salary - higher than that advertised - proved controversial. Within Parliament there were powerful people not too happy about this. The Speaker and the Library Committee wanted to be involved but the government refused to allow it. This would have been particularly galling for Statham, who had taken a strong role in library policy, in the context of a broader power struggle between the Executive and the Speaker. Clerk Kane saw a new subordinate with virtually the same salary as his, and one who would go over his head in the same way as Wilson had done. 30 The government had made an unjustified quick political appointment in his view. Speaker Statham himself was not enamoured of Scholefield. In 1924 he had engineered the appointment of Bill Wauchop as Wilson's assistant, and strongly preferred him for the position of Chief Librarian. 31

Andersen was especially outraged. Scholefield would be paid substantially more than him and, without any library experience, would supervise his work. 32 He considered he was in a position to advise Scholefield, not the other way around. The 'stigma' of having an Advisory Director over him should be removed. An existing rivalry probably contributed to his fury. In 1910 Scholefield had complained to Andersen that he had used Scholefield's version of a document without due acknowledgement and without realising that it was not entirely a copy of the original. He added pointedly that both of them were working to the same end: 'getting the history of New Zealand recorded as accurately as we can'. 33

Scholefield's good political connections with the Reform Government had indeed come up trumps. Following his return from London in 1920 he became editor of the conservative Wairarapa Age newspaper. He informed the government of political developments, carefully cultivated Prime Ministers Massey and Coates, and prepared and published a hagiography of Massey. 34 He was a personal friend of the MP, William Downie Stewart.

Scholefield argued that an official New Zealand archivist should be appointed. Andersen suggested that James Cowan should complete his assessment of old government records first. 35 Scholefield reported to Internal Affairs on the British Public Record Office and lobbied hard for the preservation of archives, soliciting support from Reform figures such as F. D. Bell, R. F. Bollard and F. J. Rolleston. 36 In 1921 he was appointed to the Board of Science and Art and became the chairman of its Library and Archives Committee over the heads of Wilson and Andersen.

In his application for the Chief Librarian's position Scholefield had written to Coates for a higher salary. He suggested that he create a New Zealand historical archive as part of the job. A deal was done to add to the Chief Librarian's responsibilities (salary of £SOO, rising to £6OO by £25 annual increments) the

new position of Controller of Dominion Archives (£200), in addition to that of Advisory Director to the Turnbull Library (£SO). As Controller, Scholefield would have the responsibility to locate, assess and preserve government-related archives and would report to Internal Affairs. Andersen, in an impassioned plea to Coates, argued that he had been promised the job of Chief Librarian. He detailed his good work as Turnbull librarian and finished:

In spite of my long service with the Government, when the time came to fill the position that had been promised to me, my service as well as the promise were quite ignored, and an outsider is given the position, while I am made a stepping stone for making the position better for him. That is, all my work is regarded as nothing. 37

He claimed that, on his appointment to the General Assembly Library in 1915,

the Minister for the Legislative Department, F. M. B. Fisher, had promised him that 'on the retirement of Mr Wilson, [he] might look forward to taking his place'. 38 He cited a newspaper report in support of his belief. 39 He was being slightly economical with the facts; the major point of the newspaper report was that Andersen's appointment had been made politically by Minister Fisher.

At this point we digress slightly to establish the connection between Andersen and Fisher. The two had been employed as clerks in the Lands and Survey Christchurch office in 1902. Andersen produced a boyish, witty, hand-produced magazine called 'The 9.5 a.m.' to which Fisher contributed. 40 Subjects ranged from sketches, satirical poetry and novelettes to descriptions of work and life in the office, to observations on women cyclists' clothing. They appeared close friends. Fisher left Lands and Survey in 1902 to join up for the war in South Africa. In 1905 he took over the Wellington City seat and entered Parliament after his father George had died. While initially a Liberal, his rift with Seddon drew him closer to Reform and in 1912 he switched his support to Massey in the critical vote that put Reform into power. He immediately entered Cabinet and became the first Minister for the Legislative Department (1912-15). It is likely that Andersen kept in touch with his previous chum and that this reaped its rewards in 1915.

Underground Warfare

Andersen's grievance developed into a vendetta to remove Scholefield's advisory role and to reduce his salary. 41 Not only was Scholefield going to supervise him, he was to take over the official archives role - which Andersen thought he had secured.

The General Assembly Library and the Dominion Museum had deliberated for some time on a national historical collection of archives. 42 This revolved around the possible rebuilding of Parliament Buildings in the wake of the fire of 1907 and the ambitions of Directors of the Dominion Museum, Augustus Hamilton and Allan Thomson. In 1913 the Board of Science and Art took charge, and from 1916 the Dominion Museum began to collect material. An Archives Committee was appointed that included Charles Wilson. 43 The committee agreed on a public appeal to encourage the descendants of early settlers to donate relevant material and the setting up of local historical committees. 44

Cabinet, when considering Turnbull's bequest in 1918, had not accepted a proposal that the Turnbull Library should house a national collection of historical and other archives. 45 But in 1919, with the work at the museum falling into abeyance, the Board of Science and Art agreed that the Turnbull Library should

become the repository for the national historical collection. 46 The cramped museum was unsuitable; at least in the Turnbull, material could be exhibited and available to researchers. The transfer took place shortly thereafter.

Andersen believed that these archives would be the basis for developing a national official archives. In his annual report of 1922 he expressed the hope that 'the library may in time include an Office of Public Records'. 47 But this was not realistic. When a question arose in Parliament that year as to progress with the national historical collection, Andersen had to admit there had been little, particularly since a temporary assistant had left. 48 The library was unable to deal with Turnbull's existing collection, let alone do anything with the records received.

This was starkly manifest in 1925, when a request came in from the League of Nations for information on access to archives in New Zealand. Andersen bluntly said that no archives were freely available at present. The archives were so mixed and scattered that consulting them was hopeless. 49 He made a plea for a special officer to make the archives available, and began to lobby for control over archives, but the government, aware of Scholefield's presence, said that the issue of an 'Archives Department' was being considered more broadly.

Scholefield's appointment as Controller of Dominion Archives in 1926 eliminated the possibility of the Turnbull Library being responsible for archives. Nonetheless, as archives historian David Colquhoun observes, the transfer of the national historical collection did at least make 'the library world ... the home of Government-funded collecting of private archives'. 50 This would eventually be vital to the future of the Turnbull Library.

In 1927 Andersen secured an interview with Prime Minister Coates and the Public Service Commissioner regarding his situation and had the matter discussed by Cabinet. He also wrote to acting Minister of Internal Affairs, Maui Pomare, concluding: 'I trust, Sir Maui, that something may be done before long; I have been playing a lone hand in this for nearly two years.' 51 For the next year he badgered Coates. In June 1928 he wrote that Coates had promised him a 'satisfactory arrangement', endorsed by the Public Service Commission, and that he felt certain that if the matter came before the House they would have to agree that his position was worth at least that of Chief Librarian Scholefield or that of the head of the Dominion Museum. 52 Moreover, he was 'in charge of a trust of far more value than either - than both combined; and the educational work done here is equal at least to either.' Andersen did get a salary increase at this time, but he complained that it was much less than he had expected and that he still wanted the Advisory Director position abolished.

Andersen and Kane began to work together. They wrote supporting letters to Coates and the Speaker in 1928 about removing the Advisory Director role. 53 Kane alleged (presumably with information supplied by Andersen) that Scholefield had

never visited the Turnbull Library to exercise his responsibility. The Minister for the Legislative Department acknowledged that the intention had been to abolish the position when Wilson retired, but that it was reinstated to keep Scholefield interested in the job. He now thought it should go, but did not act. After the election of 1928, which brought in Ward's government, Andersen reminded Internal Affairs that Coates had promised to sort it out. He reiterated his claim that the Advisory Director's role was redundant. 54 With Reform out of power he now sought to wrest the responsibility for official archives from Scholefield.

Speaker Statham sent a memorandum to Prime Minister Ward (also Minister for the Legislative Department), behind which lay the hand of Kane, aided by Andersen. 55 Statham argued that it was constitutionally wrong for Scholefield, employed in the Legislative Department, to hold a position relating to Internal Affairs. He suggested that the Advisory Director role be abolished and that the position of Controller of Dominion Archives be handed over to Andersen who 'fills his position with conspicuous ability'.

Kane himself perhaps let his feelings get the better of him at this point in sending a letter to Ward alleging Scholefield's political partisanship. It was improper that Scholefield retain all the positions given to him 'simply as a political supporter of the then "powers that be'", that is, Coates's government. 56 Andersen should have been appointed Chief Librarian. It was also improper, according to him, that when Scholefield took his annual leave he did archives work and claimed travelling expenses. Scholefield was poised to be paid more than either he or the Clerk of the Legislative Council, both with more than 40 years' service to Parliament and senior to the Chief Librarian: 'Such a state of things is little less than a scandal'. 57

Andersen continued to lobby to get the official archives. In 1929 he suggested to Kane that he had saved the Canterbury provincial archives and had been gathering archival material for some years prior to Scholefield's appointment in 1926. 58 The New Zealand material in the Turnbull Library was unparalleled; official archives were complementary to its other work and should be not separated from it. Scholefield, for his part, sought to enlarge his archives responsibilities, proposing that the Turnbull Library and its staff be brought into a substantial fireproof building complete with stackrooms and a research room under the aegis of the General Assembly Library. 59 The head of Internal Affairs proved a moderating influence and would have little to do with Andersen's rather wild attacks. 60 He pointed out that the government considered establishing archives as an important objective at the time of the appointment, and that Scholefield was in fact paid a minimal amount for his extra services.

In 1930 Clerk Kane left for the greener pastures of Clerk of Parliaments, but the potential for making some savings had been noted. In 1931, as the Depression

gathered apace, the Economy Committee, having considered Statham's argument and with the incentive of looking around for cuts to expenditure, abolished Scholefield's Turnbull Library role and halved his payment as Controller of Dominion Archives. Scholefield had his overall salary reduced from £BSO to £7OO. But the General Assembly Library retained its responsibility for official archives.

Cataloguing Travails

The General Assembly remained involved in the Turnbull Library despite the removal of the advisory role. The intention in 1919 was for the library to produce a printed catalogue of its holdings, but this never happened. When first appointed, Andersen thought that he could get the New Zealand and Australian books (6,000 volumes, one-fifth of the collection) catalogued in less than a year. The entire collection could be done, 'say in three years'. 61 The collection proved larger than at first thought; by 1920 it appeared to be more like 60,000 volumes. 62 Progress with cataloguing proved to be very slow; by 1923 Andersen, perhaps optimistically, reported that about 20,000 volumes had been dealt with. 63 But by 1930 not much more than half the library had been catalogued. Work on the catalogue would continue into the 1940 s and beyond. 64

The Carnegie Corporation, amidst other efforts to support library development in New Zealand, was keen for the Turnbull Library catalogue to be completed. 65 When Carnegie's D. J. Russell visited New Zealand in 1928 he realised that its cataloguing was in dire straits and needed financial support. When W Ross Livingstone in 1930 surveyed the Turnbull for Carnegie, Scholefield emphasised that access to the collection was hindered by the lack of a catalogue. 66 Carnegie Corporation President F. R Keppel himself asked Andersen to send an estimate of the cost of the cataloguing work, but he seemed to procrastinate. Eventually Andersen did raise the matter with the head of Internal Affairs, but he unfortunately also asked for a trip to the US, to 'follow it personally so as to lay matters more fully before' Carnegie and to lecture on New Zealand. 67 There was no possibility of such a trip as Depression clouds gathered. Internal Affairs doubted whether the New Zealand Government should ask for money for a government institution. Cabinet declined Andersen's proposed trip. In a highly unorthodox move, Andersen wrote personally to Prime Minister Forbes to express his disappointment.

As part of his ambitions to garner responsibility for official archives, Andersen was particularly keen on extending the library building. Doing so may have seemed more of a priority than compiling a catalogue. New Zealand economist J. B. Condliffe (in the US and in contact with Carnegie) urged Andersen to send Carnegie an estimate for the catalogue and flatly stated that he would not get

money for building work. 68 Condliffe also urged Scholefield to persuade Andersen to send a 'businesslike' reply to Carnegie's generous offer. Cabinet decided Andersen could ask Carnegie for money provided that the government did not have to top it up. Andersen sent an exorbitant estimate of nearly £IO,OOO for the work, leaving Internal Affairs in the dark. But Carnegie was unimpressed, and turned down his proposal. 69 The General Assembly Library's Reference Officer, Alistair Mcintosh, was on a Carnegie fellowship and saw the Turnbull Library file in Carnegie's New York headquarters. He could not believe what had happened. It was 'a shameful and lasting monument to Andersen's crass stupidity and New Zealand's pettiness of spirit', he cried to Scholefield. 70

Andersen had mismanaged a golden opportunity. In the knowledge that Andersen was soon retiring, Malcolm Fraser, head of Internal Affairs, repaired relations with Carnegie and began to groom C. R. H. Taylor, newly appointed assistant Turnbull Librarian, to succeed Andersen. The ground was prepared for him to obtain a Carnegie fellowship. Fraser was well aware of Andersen's mismanagement of the library, describing to Carnegie its 'unsatisfactory position of affairs' and his 'considerable uneasiness and concern', particularly at the lack of a catalogue. 71 He canvassed opinion among those with strong Carnegie connections such as Professor James Hight, Professor Thomas Hunter, Sir James Allen and J. B. Condliffe, in order to reestablish linkages with Carnegie. He also communicated with Alister Mcintosh (who had just returned from his Carnegie trip). Mcintosh offered detailed advice which Fraser adopted as to how to couch the application for Taylor. Hight suggested that 'the Corporation [had] in past adopted a certain attitude towards the Turnbull Library for reasons that one cannot mention here.' 72 Fraser admitted to Carnegie that Andersen needed to be replaced by 'a man who, apart from other qualifications, has a knowledge of modern library methods'. In appealing to Carnegie, Fraser admitted he could 'probably sense and appreciate your attitude towards the matter'. 73

Mcintosh helped organise the Carnegie fellowship for Taylor. 74 He provided Taylor with a detailed itinerary and advised him to attend the renowned Ann Arbor summer school at the University of Michigan. He was dismayed to think that Andersen might be replaced by an untrained librarian. By working with Taylor he wanted to promote the amalgamation of the General Assembly and Turnbull libraries. 75 Taylor, on his return in 1935, submitted a detailed report, including a number of recommended changes to the Turnbull Library, and began to make changes to the library even before Andersen's retirement. 76 Internal Affairs asked Mcintosh to comment on Taylor's report. 77 Mcintosh reported favourably and stated that

he disagreed with Andersen's views on cataloguing and on keeping the original Turnbull collection separate. Mcintosh used the opportunity to push forward the national library scheme, pointing out that there was a need to put the separate libraries in order. The rivalry between the General Assembly and Turnbull libraries was extremely wasteful. The New Zealand collections of both libraries should be combined and used productively in association with the archives. Turnbull should have one of the copyright copies of New Zealand publications. Internal Affairs continued to be concerned about progress with the catalogue. 78 Andersen suggested in 1935 that 45,600 volumes had been covered, with another 18,000-20,000 volumes to go. In April 1937, just as Andersen retired, Taylor reopened the issue of the catalogue. He told Internal Affairs that he had seen Carnegie President F. M. Keppel in New York in 1934, and that once a successor to Andersen had been appointed Carnegie would look favourably on supporting the cataloguing. 79 He proposed a more modest estimate of £4,500 for the cost, including a government contribution of £1,500-2,000. What happened to this proposal is unclear, but it was likely overtaken by wider library developments leading towards a national library.

Reaching an Accommodation

Andersen rather unwillingly retired in 1937, after 50 years in the public service. Because of budget restrictions he had developed the library mainly by donation, exchange and copying rather than by purchase. He had created an institution that, in the words of the library's historian, 'located the library centrally within the main currents of intellectual activity in the 1920 s and 19305.' 80 This may have been so, but the library suffered as a result of Andersen's approach. Andersen had run the library as a 'scholarly research library and a museum', and to some extent as his personal domain, as a 'base for pursuing his own, multifarious intellectual projects'. 81 The catalogue was never completed. Readingroom facilities remained very limited, while his office was spacious. Some were critical of the intrusion of the visitors and the time Andersen allotted to tours. Andersen devoted much attention to his diverse wider interests: editing the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute (1920-1929) and the Journal of the Polynesian Society (1925-1946); Maori mythology and culture; indigenous flora and fauna; place names, New Zealand history; poetry, PEN activities; book collecting. As his retirement approached, people wanted a professional librarian rather than a scholarly book collector to head the library. Meanwhile, the two libraries did manage to co-operate, despite Andersen's underground campaign against Scholefield. Following discussion with the Minister

of Internal Affairs in the late 19205, Scholefield prepared a report on how the Turnbull library might be developed into a national collection. 82 It needed new facilities to house the growing collection and improve availability for research. Cooperation between the two libraries could be developed further in the collection of pamphlets and the operation of the copyright provisions, so that the second copy of all New Zealand publications went to the Turnbull Library. By this time Parliament had agreed that second copies of pamphlets and minor publications were to be donated to the Turnbull Library. In 1930, following up on these discussions, Scholefield proposed amendment of the Copyright Act so that three copies of New Zealand publications were obtained with one sent to Turnbull. 83 At this time he was also assiduous in forwarding to Turnbull duplicate or not-needed copies of official provincial papers which he had managed to collect during his tours to various small centres around the country. 84

Scholefield began to develop plans for the closer co-ordination of the General Assembly and Turnbull libraries, both of which had inadequate accommodation, believing that the Turnbull Library should have a relationship to the General Assembly Library even though he was no longer Advisory Director. 85 He was particularly concerned at the vulnerability of the Turnbull's collections given the lack of a properly supervised reading room. 86 Such measures as better co-ordination to eliminate duplication and distribute copyright books, making economies in staffing, and supervising research would work towards the goal of a national library. Not long before Andersen retired, and as the debate on a national library began to heat up, Scholefield elaborated on his previous reports regarding state libraries and a national library. He examined how the General Assembly Library and Turnbull Library could be merged, given the difficulty of preserving Turnbull's collection separately under the terms of the gift in 1918. In essence, he argued that the General Assembly's collection of literature and rare books be transferred into the Turnbull section of a putative national library, which would remain separate from the other parts of the national library's collections. Scholefield also argued that the 'preservation of [the] identity and integrity of the Turnbull Library should be accepted as an axiom' in any merger. 87 Further, 'every endeavour should be directed to giving this valuable gift the leading position that it should hold in the National collection of the future'. The Turnbull Library did indeed become an integral part of the future national collection, as the vision of the national library took shape.

With Clyde Taylor replacing Andersen, the Turnbull Library moved from the 'world of scholar-journalists and gentlemen-collectors' to that of a national cultural institution involving the broader public. 88 Taylor's goal was that the library should become 'the only public State Library in New Zealand'. He remained Librarian

until 1963. The General Assembly Library under Scholefleld (1926-1947) was part of the same movement. The objectives of the two libraries, with the division of labour in their collections determined by Wilson, eventually came together under the umbrella of the long-awaited national library. The view that the Turnbull Library should preserve its identity has prevailed throughout its history. From 1966, as part of the National Library of New Zealand, it has continued to play a distinctive role. Despite its somewhat fraught and tempestuous beginnings, the Turnbull Library has secured a vital place in our national cultural institutions.

ENDNOTES 1 A. G. Bagnall, 'A Troubled Childhood: "The Nucleus of a National Collection"', Turnbull Library Record 3, no. 2 (1970). Aspects of this article are discussed in John E. Martin, Parliament's Library: 150 Years (Wellington: Steele Roberts, 2008), pp. 105-6, 111-12, 115-16, 132-3. For Andersen's wider literary contribution see P. J. Gibbons, Johannes C. Andersen and Catherine Andersen (Hamilton: Rimu, 1985), and his entry in Dictionary of New Zealand Biography (DNZB), vol. 3, ed. by Claudia Orange (Wellington: Auckland University Press with Bridget Williams Books and Department of Internal Affairs, 1996). 2 Rachel Barrowman, The Turnbull: A Library and its World (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1996), pp. 1, 25. Alexander Turnbull Library (ATL), IA 13/300 [internal file], Department of Internal Affairs (IA) to Secretary, Board of Science and Art, 28 June 1920. Appendices to the Journal of the House of Representatives (AJHR), 1919, H-22, p. 30. 3 ATL, IA 13/300, memo for cabinet and approval, 13 July 1918. Press and Dominion, 17 July 1918; Evening Post, 18 July 1918.

4 AJHR, 1919, H-22, Appendix. ATL, IA 13/300, IA internal memo, 18 December 1918. General Assembly Library (GAL), Letterbook - staff, 1913-27, Wilson to Minister in Charge of Legislative Department, 20 February 1919. 5 Press, 2 July 1918. E. H. McCormick, Alexander Turnbull: His Life, His Circle, His Collections (Wellington: Alexander Turnbull Library, 1974), p. 291. 6 Te Papa, Dominion Museum (DM) 16/2/19, H. W. Williams to A. Thomson, Director of Museum, 8 August 1918. 7 ATL, IA 13/300, Assistant Public Trustee to lA, 3 July 1918, IA to Minister, 30 June 1922. 8 McCormick, Alexander Turnbull, pp. 205-6, 210, 225. 9 ATL, MS Papers 4512, Turnbull to Wilson, 3 May 1910. 10 GAL, Letterbook, 23 December 1912; 10 February 1913. 11 ATL, IA 13/300, Wilson to lA, 16 July 1919. See also Wilson to lA, 27 August 1918. 12 ATL, IA 13/300, Wilson to lA, 16 July 1919, 7 August 1919. Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6036, la, Wilson to Minister lA, 17 June 1920. AJHR, 1920, H-22, pp. 17-18; 1921-22, session 11, H-22, pp. 23-24. New Zealand Times, 29 June 1920. McCormick, Alexander Turnbull, pp. 272, 279, 285. 13 Andersen had joined the General Assembly Library in May 1915. Bagnall, 'A Troubled Childhood', pp. 104-5. DNZB, vol 4, entry. Barrowman, The Turnbull, p. 31. Evening Post, 15 February 1915. 14 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6036, la, Andersen to lA, 26 February 1919, 3 March 1919; IA to Andersen, 9 November 1920.

15 ATL, IA 13/300, IA to Wilson, 29 July 1918, Wilson to Minister lA, 31 July 1918, Wilson to lA, 27 August 1918. Evening Post, 10 August 1918. GAL, Letterbook, 21 January 1919. Also 21 August 1919, list of periodicals to be continued with. 16 GAL, Letterbook, 1 November 1918. ATL, IA 13/300, IA to Minister lA, 11 October 1918, Wilson to lA, 1 November 1918, IA to Minister lA, 7 November 1918. 17 AJHR, 1919, H-32, p. 1. Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6036, la, letters 27 September 1918, 21 October 1918; lA3B/1, IA to Andersen, 24 September 1918. GAL, Letterbook, Wilson to Minister Legislative Department, 20 February 1919. 18 AJHR, 1919, H-32, p. 1. 19 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6036, folder la, IA to Andersen, 29 April 1919, Andersen to lA, 3, 28 March 1919, 6 May 1919. 20 GAL, Letterbook, staff, 1913-27, Wilson to Minister Legislative Department, 20 February 1919. 21 ATL, IA 13/300, Andersen to lA, 8, 29 October 1919, 3 November 1919, Andersen to Wilson, 11 November 1919. 22 ATL, IA 13/300, Wilson to lA, 19 September 1919. Both protagonists agreed, however, that the library should collect government publications. ATL, IA 13/300, Andersen to lA, 29 October 1919, 3 November 1919, Andersen to Wilson, 11 November 1919. 23 AJHR, 1925, H-32, p. 1; 1926, H-32, p. 1. 24 ATL, IA 13/300, Wilson to lA, 16 July 1919, 7 August 1919, Crown Law opinion, 30 July 1919, IA to Minister lA, 26 August 1919. Bagnall suggests that Wilson 'busily' restricted Andersen's development of the theatre collection, 'A Troubled Childhood', pp. 94, 97.

25 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6036, folder la, Andersen to lA, 29 April 1919. ATL, IA 13/300, Andersen to Wilson, 19 September 1919, Wilson to lA, 20 September 1919. Martin, Parliament's Library, p. 106. Barrowman, The Turn bull, p. 43. 26 New Zealand Parliamentary Debates (NZPD), vol. 185, 1919, pp. 685-6. 27 GAL 1/9, 6 March 1936. For the detailed annual expenditure, see GAL 14/5, table, financial years 1920/21 to 1934/35. Extensive cuts were made in the early 19305. 28 NZPD, vol. 184, 1919, p. 608; vol. 185, pp. 685-6. 29 Martin, The House, pp. 160-1. Archives NZ, ABIK, 7662, special files, no. 6, 18 July 1921; LE7, special files, no. 21, letter 18 April 1923. GAL, Letterbook, 16 July 1904. 30 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/26/31, Kane to Ward, 7 March 1929. Martin, Parliament's Library, pp. 112, 115. 31 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/26/31, Speaker to Minister Legislative Department, 26 February 1926. GAL, Library Committee minute book, 25 March 1926, 21 April 1926. 32 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/19, Andersen to Coates, 13 July 1926, IA to Minister, 21 March 1929. Bagnall, 'A Troubled Childhood', pp. 105-6. 33 ATL, Scholefield Papers, MS Papers 212, folder 37, Scholefield to Andersen, 21 February 1910.

34 Guy H. Scholefield, 'William Ferguson Massey: Personal Life of the Prime Minister', Who's Who in New Zealand, 1925. ATL, Scholefield Papers, MS Papers 212, folder 29, draft typescript and Massey to Scholefield, 24 August 1923. Scholefield probably got to know Massey during the war years while working in London for the New Zealand Associated Press. He was present when Massey was presented with the Freedom of the City of London in 1916. 35 ATL, IA 13/300, IA to Andersen, 1 July 1920, to Minister, 5 July 1920, and to Director Dominion Museum and Wilson, 7 July 1920. 36 ATL, Scholefield Papers, MS Papers 212, folder c/11, no. 16, Massey to Scholefield, 11 September 1922; no. 25, Coates to Scholefield, 19 November 1925; no. 33, Massey to Scholefield, 29 December 1922; folder c/3a, no. 19, Fisher to Scholefield, 21 November 1958; folder 29, Massey to Scholefield, 24 August 1923; folder 42, copious personal correspondence from Stewart to Scholefield from 1925.

37 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/19, Andersen to Coates, 13 July 1926. 38 Bagnall, 'A Troubled Childhood', p. 104, citing IA 3/10, Andersen to Speaker Statham, 6 October 1925. 39 Poverty Bay Herald, 11 February 1915. Through a Press Association report Prime Minister Massey sought to correct this false impression - Andersen was to become a member of staff under Wilson - but also confirmed that Fisher had likely made the appointment of Andersen prior to his tardy departure from the Legislative Department portfolio in January 1915. (Fisher had been defeated in the election of November 1914 but had held onto his cabinet portfolios for some time.) Evening Post, 11 February 1915. 40 Andersen donated the two volumes to the General Assembly Library in 1916. He described himself in them as 'Editor, article writer, anecdotist, P.D. et hoc gen. an. of The 9.5 a.m.' The title was derived from the practice of giving civil servants 5 minutes grace after 9 a.m. to sign the attendance book before a red line was ruled to identify late-comers. Press, 13 May 1903, review of the magazine. 41 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/19.

42 Te Papa, DM 12/1/45 generally. See Michael E. Hoare, The Board of Science and Art, 1913-1930: A Precursor to the DSIR', in M. E. Hoare and L. C. Bell (eds), In Search of NZ's Scientific Heritage (Wellington: Royal Society of NZ, 1984); David Colquhoun, The State, Archives Keeping and History Making in New Zealand, 1840-1930', Diploma of Museum Studies dissertation, Massey University, 1996; David Colquhoun, "The Pioneers are Steadily Passing to the Great Beyond": Early Collecting and the National Historical Collection', Archifacts (October 2005). 43 Alexander Turnbull turned down the invitation because he 'would be in active competition with the Government in the way of acquiring Historical Documents for my own Library'. Te Papa, DM 12/1/45, Turnbull to Minister lA, 3 May 1916. 44 Te Papa, DM 16/2/23, Thomson report to Board, meeting 30 January 1918, Thomson report on historical collections, 1919-20, 23 June 1920. 45 ATL, IA 13/300, 1918, memo for cabinet and approval, 13 July 1918. 46 Te Papa, DM 16/2/23, Board of Science and Art annual meeting, 11 March 1919; Thomson, report on historical collections, 1919-20, 23 June 1920. Archives NZ, lAI, 4/3/3, letters 20 March 1919, 3 April 1919. Colquhoun, 'State, Archives Keeping and History Making', pp. 47-8. Bagnall, 'A Troubled Childhood', pp. 99-101.

47 AJHR, 1922, H-22, p. 9. 48 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6036, folder Ib, IA to Andersen, 2 October 1922, Andersen to lA, 3 October 1922. 49 Archives NZ, ARCH 451, 4d, Andersen to lA, 10 August 1925, Minister IA to New Zealand High Commissioner, 17 August 1925. Colquhoun, 'State, Archives Keeping and History Making', p. 50. 50 Colquhoun, 'Pioneers', p. 12. 51 Archives NZ, lA3B/1, Andersen to Pomare, 9 September 1927. 52 Archives NZ, lA3B/1, Andersen to Coates, 11 June 1928, 1 October 1928. 53 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/26/31, Andersen to Coates, 1 October 1928, Kane to Speaker, 30 October 1928, Scholefield to Speaker, 5 April 1928. 54 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/19, Andersen to lA, 1 July 1929. 55 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/19, Speaker to Ward, 19 August 1929. 56 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/26/31, Kane to Ward, 7 March 1929. 57 Ibid. 58 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 40A, Andersen to Kane, 5 March 1929. Martin, Parliament's Library, p. 135. Colquhoun, 'State, Archives Keeping and History Making', p. 50. 59 Archives NZ, ARCH 451, sd, Scholefield, report on the Archives Division, 17 June 1929.

60 Archives NZ, ABIK, 7507, 5/19, IA to Minister, 21 March 1929. 61 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6036, folder la, Andersen to lA, 3 March 1919. 62 Barrowman, The Turnbull, p. 32. 63 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6036, folder Ib, draft annual reports, transmitted to Wilson, 22 and 30 May 1923. 64 Barrowman, The Turnbull, p. 64. 65 See Maxine K. Rochester, The Revolution in New Zealand Librarianship (Halifax, Nova Scotia: Dalhousie University Press, 1990), for Carnegie's impact on New Zealand. 66 GAL 14/5, Scholefield to Livingstone, 29 August 1930. Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, se, Andersen to lA, 23 October 1930. 67 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, se, Andersen to lA, 23 October 1930, memo to Minister, 28 October 1930, Cabinet decisions, 5 November 1930, 13 February 1931, Andersen to Keppel, 20 February 1931. 68 GAL 14/2, Condliffe to Andersen, 16 January 1931, Condliffe to Scholefield, 16 January 1931, Scholefield to Condliffe in reply, late January 1931. Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6016, 40A, Andersen to Kane, 5 March 1929.

69 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, se, Andersen to lA, 27 September 1932. When IA asked for correspondence on the matter Andersen could not provide it because (he said) he had been writing privately to Carnegie and had not kept copies. These would have been the letters Mcintosh saw in New York. 70 ATL, MS Papers 6759, folder 214, Mcintosh to Scholefield, 8 October 1932. 71 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, 6f, IA to Keppel, 24 July 1933, also Mcintosh to lA, 20 July 1933. 72 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, 6f, Hight to lA, 22 July 1933. 73 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, 6f, IA to Keppel, 24 July 1933. 74 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, 6f, Mcintosh to lA, 2 November 1933. 75 Rochester, Revolution in New Zealand Librarianship, p. 45. 76 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, 6f, Taylor's report on fellowship. Barrowman, The Turnbull, pp. 54, 62-66. 77 ATL, MS Papers 6759, folder 211, Heenan to Mcintosh, 18 July 1935; folder 214, Mcintosh comments on Taylor's report. Andersen also reported, pointing out that he had attempted various aspects of the changes recommended by Taylor but had been prevented by lack of staff and money.

78 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, se, IA to Andersen, 22 July 1935, Andersen to lA, 24 July 1935. 79 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6015, se, Taylor to lA, 15 April 1937, proposal, 24 June 1937. It is uncertain what happened to these proposals; perhaps they were overtaken by the wider library developments associated with Carnegie. 80 Barrowman, The Turnbull, p. 30. 81 Barrowman, The Turnbull, pp. 30, 39, 55. Alice Woodhouse, 'Early Days in the Turnbull Library, Turnbull Library Record 3, no. 2 (1970): 112-113. 82 GAL 14/5, report by Scholefield [c. late 19205]. 83 GAL 14/3, Scholefield to lA, 28 November 1930. The move was unsuccessful. 84 Archives NZ, AAOJ, 6036, folder 4b, Scholefield to Andersen, 21 May 1929, 18 March 1930. Martin, Parliament's Library, p. 134. 85 GAL 14/2, Scholefield to John Barr, 26 January 1934. 86 GAL 1/9, Scholefield, 'Co-ordination of State Libraries' [c. early 1933]. Relations remained amicable, with the Turnbull Library for example suggesting the General Assembly Library obtain a microfilm of The Times, the General Assembly Library asking the Turnbull on a number of occasions to bid for it at auctions, together with microfilming matters, and correspondence concerning duplication of materials. GAL 17/10. 87 GAL 1/9, Scholefield, 'National Library Development', 6 March 1936. 88 Barrowman, The Turnbull, pp. 60, 63.