Did Dutch Sailors Land in Wainui Bay on 18 December 1642? The First Printed Illustration of New Zealand

Turnbull Library Record, Volume 37, 1 January 2004, Page 13

Rūdiger Mack

Did Dutch Sailors Land in Wainui Bay on 18 December 1642? The First Printed Illustration of New Zealand

The aim of this paper is to examine the first printed illustration of New Zealand, published in Nicolaas Witsen’s Noorden Oost Tartarye, Amsterdam, 1705. This illustration has so far been very much neglected in the research on Abel Tasman.

When Abel Tasman’s ships Zeehaen and Heemskerck visited Golden Bay in December 1642 they encountered local Maori. On the morning of 19 December 1642 a skirmish took place during which four of Tasman’s sailors were killed while travelling between his two ships. Since then, several theories have been put forward as to where the settlements of these local Maori of the Ngati Tumatakokiri tribe were located and where the attackers had come from: the Tata Islands (Mackay I, 39), Whanawhana near Separation Point (Smith 104), or the Taupo Point pa (Brailsford 81).

The Dutch expedition had sailed into Golden Bay on 18 December. Tasman and his officers decided in the morning of that day to send the sloop of the Heemskerck and the small boat of the Zeehaen to seek an anchorage and a watering place. This advance party was under the command of the skipper Ide T’Jercxsen, the pilot major Franchoijs Visscher and the merchant Isaac Gilsemans. From Tasman’s official account we know that on the evening of 18 December 1642 many lights were seen on land and four vessels near the shore. One double canoe followed the Dutch advance party when they returned to the ships (Heeres 18; Sharp 120). On the morning of 19 December a Maori canoe with thirteen people in it approached the Dutch ships and seven more craft came from the land, one of these manned by seventeen men. After the skirmish Tasman’s account states that twenty-two canoes were seen near the land and eleven of these

(swarming with people) came towards the Dutch ships (Heeres 19-20; Sharp 12223). The increase in the number of canoes observed by the Dutch from four to eight, and then to twenty-two, suggests that the Maori living in Wainui Bay had received some support from others living in the vicinity. It appears that the attackers came both from Wainui Bay and from surrounding areas. The question however remains as to where Maori settlements in the Wainui Bay area were located at the time of Abel Tasman’s visit. A closer examination of the Witsen engraving provides new evidence.

The best-known illustration of Tasman’s visit in Golden Bay is found in the socalled ‘State Archives Manuscript’ (SAM). The SAM is signed by Abel Tasman and is considered the official account of the 1642/43 expedition under his command. It was produced in Batavia in 1643 after the return of this expedition. From Batavia it was sent to the headquarters of the Dutch East Indies Company in Amsterdam. An almost identical illustration on a single sheet called the Blok Fragment (BF) also exists. This is the only surviving sheet of another copy of Tasman’s official account, which was used as a source for the account of Tasman’s voyage published by Francois Valentijn in his book Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Slot 62-63, 99). A third surviving account of Tasman’s expedition, the so-called ‘Huy decoper Manuscript’ (HM), does not have an illustration of the visit to Golden Bay.

The SAM and BF illustrations show nine double canoes during the skirmish on the morning of 19 December. They do not show any canoes on or near the shore, but in the foreground they show a canoe manned with eleven Maori. This is drawn much larger than any of the other vessels. The SAM and BF illustrations are clearly composite pictures showing the different events during the morning of 19 December 1642. The large canoe in the foreground appears to have been copied to the SAM and BF illustrations from an illustration which was originally separate. lan Barber has pointed out that the SAM illustration ‘shows no evidence of human occupation or activity along the eastern or north-eastern side of Wainui Bay, a coastline which the Dutch ships at anchor would probably have had in direct view’ (Barber 49).

The illustration published in Witsen’s Noord en Oost Tartarye shows the same large canoe as the SAM illustration except for some very important details. The shoreline is shown from a different, much closer perspective. The SAM and BF illustrations show Wainui Bay from a bird’s-eye perspective. Witsen’s illustration shows the shore from sea level. Coastal features from the SAM and BF illustrations

are difficult to match with actual geographical features of the area, whereas this is possible with Witsen’s illustration. From personal observations made from a boat off Wainui Bay on 4 January 2004, it can be confirmed that the detailed coastal landscape shown in Witsen’s illustration can easily be closely matched with actual geographical features in Wainui Bay.

An interesting question is, when were the canoe and the coastal landscape shown in the Witsen illustration sketched? The large canoe in both the SAM and the Witsen illustrations shows eleven Maori, none of them wearing feathers in their hair. The canoe which was seen and described in detail by Tasman on the morning of 19 December was manned by thirteen Maori, who each had a large white feather in their hair. According to the account of the ship’s surgeon Henrik Haelbos, all Maori had their hair tied up in a knot in which they had a feather. They also had a large square plate around the neck (Montanus 579). This might have been some kind of a pendant, maybe a hei tiki. The SAM and the Witsen illustrations do not show pendants or hei tiki. The BF illustration shows feathers in the hair but no square plates. It appears therefore that the canoe in the Witsen illustration is not the canoe seen on the morning of 19 December. I suggest here that the canoe shown in the Witsen illustration is the one that followed the sloop and small boat sent out by Tasman on 18 December to explore the coastline. It does not seem to depict the canoe that came close to the ships on the morning of 19 December. Furthermore the details of the coastline in the Witsen illustration could only have been observed from reasonably close inspection and not from Tasman’s ships Heemskerck or Zeehaen, that were anchored about 6-8 kilometres north of Wainui Bay.

Of the records of Tasman’s 1644 voyage to Northern Australia and New Guinea, only a single detailed chart has survived (Sharp 1). All logs, journals and illustrations of the 1644 expedition are now lost, but there is a brief reference to an encounter between Tasman’s expedition and Australian Aborigines in Noord en Oost Tartarye (Witsen [1705] 175; Sharp 332). This reference shows that Nicolaas Witsen probably had access to the accounts of Tasman’s 1642/43 and 1644 voyages kept by the pilot-major Franchoijs Jacobszoon Visscher (Sharp 171,346). It is known that in Golden Bay in 1642 Visscher and Gilsemans, acting as draughtsman for the expedition, were on board the sloop and the small boat which were sent forward to seek an anchorage and a watering place in the afternoon of 18 December (Heeres 18; Sharp 120). It appears that either Visscher or Gilsemans drew the original illustration of the Maori canoe and the shoreline in the background.

The SAM, BF and Witsen illustrations are copies from originals now lost. The SAM and the BF illustrations were drawn by hand. The Witsen illustration has been engraved by a skilled engraver. This is obvious when looking at and comparing some details, e.g., the head of the second person from the left. In the SAM and BF illustrations his head appears far too big. Likewise the head of the Maori standing at the front appears to have the wrong proportions; and the double canoe looks very much overcrowded with very little space for the paddlers. In the Witsen illustration, the standing man’s head, and the proportion between the size of the canoe and the size of the paddlers, are much more realistic. The most important differences, however, concern the depiction of the coastline, and this is where the attention to detail in the engraving in Witsen becomes very important. The Witsen illustration alone shows

ten canoes on or near the shore, in four different locations. These are very important details that have been missed so far by all who have tried to establish where Maori settlements in the Wainui Bay area were located in 1642.

One probable reason why Sharp, Barber, Slot, Anderson and others have missed the significance of this illustration is that Witsen’s book is very rare and not well known. To my knowledge, in New Zealand there are only one copy of the 1705 edition of Witsen, and two copies of the 1785 edition. One copy each of the 1705 and 1785 editions are held by the Alexander Turnbull Library and one copy of the 1785 edition is in private hands. The book in its 1705 edition was known to Heeres, McCormick, Sharp and Slot but, surprisingly, not to Barber, Brailsford or Anderson. The 1692, 1705 and 1785 editions of Witsen’s book appear in Abel Janszoon Tasman: A Bibliography, published in 1963 by the Public Library of New South Wales, and in McCormick’s 1959 bibliographical study on Tasman. McCormick

deserves praise for reproducing the Witsen illustration of Wainui Bay for the first time since 1785. However, without having examined the 1692 edition of Noord en Oost Tartarye, he surmised that the illustration of Golden Bay first appeared in that edition. This is not the case. There is no copy of the 1692 edition in New Zealand but fortunately it can be viewed online (Witsen 1692). The Golden Bay illustration is not there, and appeared in the 1705 edition for the first time.

Noord en Oost Tartarye does not appear in Hocken’s Bibliography of New Zealand Literature nor in the New Zealand National Bibliography. The Witsen illustration is also omitted from Early Prints of New Zealand (Ellis). One of the aims of this essay is to correct these omissions and to acknowledge the significance of Witsen’s book and of the illustrations of Tasman’s 1642/43 expedition that were published in it. The other reason why the Witsen illustration has so far been largely ignored is that some of the details in the engraving are so fine that they are not visible at a first glance, and need to be studied with a magnifying glass or a powerful scanner. This is particularly necessary if one is to study the shore features and the signs of Maori occupation there.

The locations of Maori canoes are shown below in the enlarged reproductions. In a small bay just south of Taupo Point, three canoes can be seen, and possibly also a Dutch boat. The Taupo Point pa and kainga were sketched by John Barnicoat in March 1844 (Barnicoat, in Brailsford 81). Barnicoat’s sketch shows two canoes in a very similar position to that of the canoes shown in Witsen’s illustration. The Ngati Tumatakokiri, themselves originally a lower-North-Island iwi, had been disastrously defeated ca. 1813 both by Ngati Apa from the north and by Ngai Tahu from the south, and thereafter a few of them appear to have survived in the region mainly as slaves. The Ngati Apa occupied Golden Bay till 1828, when they were massacred by Ngati Tama, from Taranaki, who were allied to Te Rauparaha’s Ngati Toa. The Maori whom Barnicoat met there in 1844 were presumably Ngati Tama (apart perhaps for slaves).

While these Maori he met in 1844 were not descendants of the earlier population, it is interesting to note that they continued to occupy the Taupo Point area and even continued to use the same landing places for canoes. There are indeed two channels near Taupo Point where rocks have been removed to safely land canoes (personal observation). Another canoe in the Witsen illustration can be seen in the area of the entrance to Wainui inlet, two canoes are visible on the shore on the northern side of Takapou, and a group of three canoes is visible on the beach on the northwestern side of Wainui Bay, near the Tata Islands. There are also one further canoe near the shore, and slightly north of this a group of three lying on the beach.

The places where the canoes are shown in the 1705 engraving match some of the main areas of pre-European Maori occupation in Wainui Bay that have been identified by archaeological finds (Barber 50). These are. (1) Taupo Point on the north-eastern side; (2) Takapou; (3) the north-western side of Wainui Bay; and (4) the Tata Islands. From his perspective the original drawer of the illustration could not see into Wainui Inlet and the illustration does not include Whariwarangi Bay to the east of Wainui Bay. It is notable that the areas where Maori canoes were seen and sketched on 18 December 1642 appear to be the same areas where concentrations of archaeological finds have been located. Furthermore, ca. 1859 Alexander Mackay recorded a tradition from surviving Ngati Tumatakokiri that the scene of the first unfortunate meeting between European and Maori was situated in close proximity to the Tata Islands (Mackay 39).

Assuming that the Witsen illustration was drawn before canoes from other areas of Golden Bay had arrived to repulse the Dutch expedition, the engraving shows where Maori lived in Wainui Bay in 1642. No other signs of Maori occupation can be seen on the illustration, unless an area on the right hand side of it near the three canoes on the beach is interpreted as a palisade structure.

Another very intriguing point in the Witsen illustration is that a Dutch boat is shown very close to the shore on the north-western side of Wainui Bay. The boat is under sail and appears to be loaded with water barrels. It appears to be flat at the back and a rudder is visible. It has a common sprit-rig as generally used on boats in the 17 th century (Hoving and Emke 91). Its being shown near a beach close to the Tata Islands correlates with the Ngati Tumatakokiri tradition that their first encounter with the Dutch occurred in this vicinity. The SAM and HM do not give a detailed account of what the two boats did during the afternoon. They left after midday and returned one hour after sunset, which could have been a period of up to 10 hours. The only position given is that they were

‘half a mile’ [a Dutch mile is 7.4 km] from shore when the sun set and that they found 13 fathoms of water. Using this scanty information it has been assumed up to now that the Dutch advance party only got to a point about 3-4 kms to the north of the north eastern point of Wainui Bay (Jenkin 24; Barber 49). Anderson is clearly wrong when he states that the Dutch boats only got to ‘within four nautical miles [ca. 7.4 kms] off the shore’ (89).

A period of up to ten hours would have been enough time for the boats to reach the shore. The SAM and HM do not specifically say how close the boats got to the shore or whether a landing was made or attempted (Heeres 18; Sharp 120-121). Did they do so? The Haelbos account simply says, ‘ De sloep afgevaerdigt, om den oever te ontdekken, quam tegen den avond te rugge, gevolgt door een vaertuig uit de wal'C The sloop having been sent off, to examine the shore, came back toward the evening, followed by a vessel from the coast’ (Montanus 578).

It is known that Tasman prepared the official account in Batavia before it was copied by a clerk in the VOC offices in Batavia and then sent to the headquarters of the Dutch East Indies Company in Amsterdam and other Dutch centres (Heeres 6667; Sharp 54-61). He used the ships’ logs, journals, resolutions of the council of senior officers, illustrations and charts that were available.

The SAM gives a detailed account of the attempt to land on one of the Three Kings Islands on 6 January 1643 (Heeres 24; Sharp 144-147). One interesting detail in this account is that the sloop was fitted out with two small guns [‘ kamer-stukjens , ] (Montanus 579; Sharp 41). The leaders of the advance landing party, again Visscher and Gilsemans, manifestly would have reported to Tasman in detail about this attempted landing. It can be postulated that a parallel detailed account about the advance survey of Wainui Bay on 18 December 1642 once existed. Tasman decided to include the close-up sketch of the Maori canoe in the illustration showing the encounter between Maori and Dutch on 19 December 1642. Why did he decide not to include the report of the Wainui Bay advance party in the official account?

It is possible that nothing important occurred during those ten hours. On the other hand perhaps there was something that Tasman did not want to report to his superiors? Maybe there was an encounter that led to an act of revenge by the Maori the next day? Any answers to these questions must remain highly speculative, and unless an account by Visscher or Gilsemans is found, we will never know what happened. There is a reference relating to ‘la terre australe ’ in Thevenot’s Relations de divers voyages curieux (1663): ‘Besides, it is known that troops sent to settle in the country encountered people of great determination who gathered before the Dutch on the shore where they were to disembark and, coming to meet them even in the water, attacked them in their boats, despite the inferiority of their own weapons’ (McCormick 12). It is speculative but possible that this refers to events in Wainui Bay. Perhaps the Wainui Bay Maori presented a traditional challenge, perhaps it was misunderstood, perhaps hostilities ensued that Tasman chose not to record. The SAM and the account by Haelbos published in Montanus differ in two

important respects that provide further clues. Haelbos reports that on the evening of 18 December a cannon was fired off when the Maori canoe approached. Then the Maori began to rave terribly (Montanus 578). Tasman’s official account does not mention the cannon shot. Also Haelbos’ account states that on the morning of 19 December the gunner of the Heemskerck went in the boat with six men, to attend to the ordnance of the Zeehaen (Montanus 578; Sharp 42). Tasman’s official account gives a very different reason. According to the SAM the skipper of the Zeehaen (on board the other ship for a council meeting) sent his quartermaster with six rowers back to his own ship to tell the under-mates not to let too many Maori on board and to be discreet and fully on guard. Haelbos’ account shows that Tasman expected an attack. The official account gives the impression that the attack on the Dutch boat on the morning of 19 December was unexpected and unprovoked.

There is also the unresolved question of possible relics from Tasman’s visit. If the Dutch landed, or fought with the local Maori, they might have lost some of their possessions or arms when attacked. The Robertson family in Wainui Bay claims to have found musket barrels and a brass-hilted sword in the early years of the 20 th century. There is doubt whether these relics are from Tasman’s visit, and even if so, whether they might have been taken by Maori during the skirmish of the morning of 19 December 1642. The Robertson family were supposedly told by a dying Maori, Paramena, that these weapons were taken during the confrontation between Tasman’s sailors and Maori (‘Relics of Tasman’s Visit?’ 52; Longley resource 16).

Moreover, in the Witsen illustration the Maori standing in the double canoe is shown with the two middle fingers bent and the index finger and small finger pointing forward. This was understood in 17 th century Europe as a gesture of defiance (Berhaus 109-110). In the SAM and BF illustrations the same Maori just points with his index finger somewhere into the distance. The Maori in the illustration could not have been aware of the meaning of this European gesture, but the illustration possibly shows the impression the Maori had made on the Dutch sailors. In hindsight the finger gesture could have been drawn to convey an artistic foretaste of what was to happen the next day. In the official version this gesture is not shown. One wonders why.

On 18 December 1642 Gilsemans and Visscher were instructed to find a good anchorage and a watering place (Heeres 18; Sharp 120). A watering place can not be found from 3.7 km distance, which is the only position of the advance party given in the official account. The Dutch travellers needed to have made a much closer inspection of the shoreline or even a landing.

From personal observations made from a boat off Wainui Bay on 4 January 2004, and a very careful identification of where the Dutch artists could have been when they sketched the details shown in the 1705 illustration, there is no doubt that the advance party was indeed much closer to the shore than 3.7 km. The details of the coastline and of the Maori canoes shown in the illustration could only have been seen and sketched if the Dutch artists had gone inshore as close as 200-300 metres from the foreshore.

It is important moreover to note here that the original illustration upon which the Witsen illustration is based could not have been sketched from one place alone. Careful examination of the illustration suggests that sketching was done continuously while the boats first approached the Taupo Point area (which was closer to the anchoring place of the Dutch ships) and then crossed over to the northwestern point of the Bay. The Dutch boat shown near the northwestern point of Wainui Bay seems even closer than 200-300 metres, possibly only 50 metres offshore. There is likewise a vessel on the beach south of Taupo Point that possibly could be a Dutch boat. The position of the mast is more that of a European than of a Polynesian vessel, and there also seem to be several water casks on board. This vessel is not so clearly identifiable however as a Dutch boat as the one shown near the northwestern point of Wainui Bay. As sketching was done continuously, it is possible that the artist showed the one Dutch boat in two positions to show it went to certain sites. The Dutch boat shown might be a symbolic representation that was deprived of explanation when the textual clarification was deleted.

If the vessel on shore at Taupo Point is indeed one of the Dutch boats, Witsen’s illustration shows that, on 18 December 1642, Dutch sailors almost certainly landed on the shores of New Zealand. Previously it has been assumed that no Dutch sailors managed to land in New Zealand during Tasman’s visit in 1642-43 and that Captain Cook and a party of his officers and sailors were the first Europeans to do so, 127 years later, on 9 October 1769 near Gisborne.

Unfortunately whether Dutch sailors did indeed go ashore near Taupo Point on 18 December 1642 will probably only be satisfactorily confirmed if Visscher’s or Gilsemans’ accounts of the 1642-43 expedition are ever found. Meanwhile, however, the evidence of the Witsen illustration points strongly to the possibility that a Dutch landing did occur in 1642.

Conclusion In order to advance our knowledge of Abel Tasman’s visit to New Zealand it is vital that all available sources are examined carefully. So far the illustration published by Witsen in 1705 has largely been ignored by Tasman researchers. In contrast to the illustrations of Golden Bay in the SAM and the BF, Witsen’s illustration from 1705 shows clearly identifiable geographical features of Wainui Bay. It also shows Maori canoes concentrated in areas of Wainui Bay that match a number of archaeological sites of early Maori occupation. Specifically, it suggests that Taupo Point, Takapou and the northwestern point of Wainui Bay were settled in 1642.

The most intriguing finding is that the Dutch advance party of two boats under the command of Visscher and Gilsemans came much closer to the shore than previously believed. They probably came as close as 50 metres from the shore at the northwestern point of Wainui Bay, and there is a strong possibility that one of the Dutch boats landed at the Taupo Point beach some 127 years before Cook’s men landed near Gisborne.

Endnote: Maori traditions of Tasman’s visit to Golden Bay Only a few of the Ngati Tumatakokiri were known to have survived the onslaughts of Ngati Apa from the north and Ngai Tahu from the south in the first decades of the nineteenth century. For this reason very few traditions of Tasman's visit to Golden Bay have been recorded, and even these are scanty. On 5 February 1770, in Queen Charlotte Sound, Joseph Banks recorded an old man called Topaa telling of two large vessels that had come there long ago, from the north, which were destroyed and all their people killed; Captain James Cook’s account of the same conversation noted the arrival of only one vessel, with four people being killed, which was said to have come from the island of Olimara, near Tahiti. It is unclear whether these stories conflated two recollections, one of them involving some memory of Tasman’s visit, or whether they recalled only the arrival of Polynesian voyagers (Banks 462-63; Cook 245; Salmond 252-53).

In 1859, Alexander Mackay met a few surviving Ngati Tumatakokiri at Croisilles or Whangarae, . . . and it is supposed, according to Native account, that it was a few of this tribe who attacked Tasman’s boat’s crew, 18 th December, 1642, on his visit to that part of the Middle Island, which he describes in his voyages as having been named Massacre Bay, in consequence of this unhappy affray; in corroboration of which, the locality pointed out by the Natives as having been the scene of the first unfortunate meeting between the European and the Native races, is situated in close proximity to the Tata Islands, in what is now known as Golden Bay (Mackay 39).

S. Percy Smith recorded a conversation with Mackay that gives a different locality: When he asked them if they had ever heard or seen of white men in former days, they replied that their ancestors had, and that they had killed some of them who came in a ship to Whanawhana (near Separation Point). This occurred a very long time ago. No doubt this was Tasman’s visit on the occasion when he discovered (i.e., he was the first white man to discover) New Zealand (Smith 104). J. D. Peart also quoted Mackay but recorded the place-name as ‘Wharawananga

near Separation Point’ (Peart 13). There is also a strange variation recorded in Stephen Gerard’s Strait of Adventure. Though this tradition doubtless preserved a genuine trace-memory of the attack on Tasman’s boat-crew, the attackers are said to be Rangitane. No locality in Golden Bay is given; and a tohunga, Matamoe, who lived in Whangapoto, is recorded as having tried to cast a spell upon the Dutch ships while they lay at anchor in Admiralty Bay a few days after the events in Golden Bay.

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