The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, MARCH 1, 1923. THE IRISH SITUATION

New Zealand Tablet, Volume L, Issue 9, 1 March 1923, Page 29

The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, MARCH 1, 1923. THE IRISH SITUATION

lpfe& EAMUS McMANUS lias been telling his readers that, when recently visiting Irepjips£\ land, he did not find the people very much demoralised, and that even among Repubs£Z7jgifff licans there was still great respect for the wlsCfprl* ecclesiastical authorities. We do not attach much importance to Mr. McManus's opinions, and his assertion that there was comparatively no disrespect for the Hierarchy in Republican papers proves that his investigations must have been extremely superficial. We have our own eyes to tell us how far that disrespect has gone, and we have also evidence for the fact that Republican women hissed Cardinal Logue and other bishops in Dublin. Mr. McManus notwithstanding, the demoralisation is wide-spread and deep, and it will become much worse if the leaders who are morally responsible for the deeds of those who fight under their flag do not prove that they care more for Ireland than for their own pride. In an open letter from "A.E." to de Valera and his friends, the situation is put plainly and reasonably, and the consequences to Ireland of a continuance of the civil strife are frankly outlined. George Russell carries weight, and his opinion on the problem is one that commands respect from all people with a pretence to education. "A.E." has no quarrel with those who say that Ireland has a right to more than she got from the Treaty. His quarrel is with the methods of those who try to upset the Treaty. He points out that they are outraging the first principle of democratic government, and that their very ideals are. being lowered and defiled by their own conduct, while their, admission that the people are against the Republican methods lessens every moral argument for their position. He clearly has no illusions as to who began the strife : "Some of you assert that the conflict was begun by the Free State, though it has seemed to many onlookers it began with those who without authority seized. public buildings, filled them with armed men, and interrupted "natitmaT services." He insists on the right of the people to rule., and exposes the fallacy of the argument that suffering will bring a crown to Ireland, pointing out that suffering forced on the people by Irishmen is more likely to bring hatred of the oppressor. He speaks unmistakably

of the crimes done under the Republican flag, arid. reminds the leaders that the people hold them responsible when every rascal in the country, every bandit and bully, every lecherous blackguard, do their deeds under the aegis of the ideals of de Valera and his friends and he emphasises the truth that undisciplined roving bands are too prone to murder and assassinate from personal motives. As gently as might be done, but withal firmly, he tells the leaders that for all the crimes of the miscreants who oppose the Free State and burn homes and kill children they are held responsible by the people of Ireland, who, naturally, are driven thus to hate even the ideals for which such crimes are said to be committed by the criminals. The letter argues that there are lawful and constitutional means of attaining the same ideals. We have more than once said that we believe that had de Valera taken the lawful and constitutional way he would have carried all Ireland with him for the Republican cause, where now he has only hatred and detestation from an outraged and terror-ridden people. Here, precisely, as the best Republicans we know have told us, is where de Valera failed miserably in the crisis: failed as a leader and failed as an Irish patriot. "A.E." thinks it is not too late to take the right road even now, and makes a fervent appeal to them to do so for the sake of Ireland, and for the sake of Gaelic civilisation which they are at present killing. In his gentle way he asks them candidly who are they that the people of Ireland should be expected to" follow them. Pearse, Connolly, even Childers, made their names and won their spurs as men of constructive ability, as nation-builders, as men who knew what Irish civilisation meant; but they had made their names before the people took them as leaders whom to follow was reasonable. Where among the present men is there a name like theirs ? Personal daring, readiness to sacrifice life for an ideal, is not enough. Any fool can have such qualities. 'A.E." reminds them that if they have such great gifts they have hidden them under a bushel and the people know nothing about them. In plain languae, stripped of its rhetoric, his question is: "Who are you, anyhow, that you should tell the Irish people that they ought to follow you and neglect the advice of their bishops, of men like Griffith, of Eoin Mac Neill, of the vast majority of the supporters of Ireland at home and abroad?" It is a very pertinent question, and one that would have immediate results if addressed to men who retained a spark of humility. -XThere is little hope that they will listen to an appeal from "A.E." or from anybody. De Valera is probably an able man, though some who know him well say he is a much overrated man and a mere legend. The rest of his friends have, as "A.E." reminds them, made no name. And around them are gathered a mob of undisciplined youths of both- sexes, and also those ruffians whom George Russell plainly calls bandits and lechers, the scum of Irish towns, the lawless cornerboys whose crimes are dragging in the mud the ideals of the misguided if sincere leaders. Nobody seems to believe now that de Valera has any control over them Nevertheless, he is culpable for giving them his name] and he is morally guilty in that he has never repudiated the murders and the robberies which they commit in the name of the Republic. There he has put himself hopelessly m the wrong, and if he loves Ireland and if his pride will allow him he can still take the right and constitutional road and undo the past. "I do not ask you to give up your ideals," says "A.E." I think if your cause alone is to be considered a non-military Republicanism would win you more adherents. ... I ask you to take as companion to that principle of liberty which you champion, the principle of brotherhood. ~ The wisdom of hell is to divide and conquer." : 444. _ A Catholic Almanac If canvassers ask you for advertisements for what they call an "Official Catholic Almanac," be sure that you • see the letter from the Bishop of the diocese authorising them to say so. :