THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH AND THE IRISH QUESTION

New Zealand Tablet, 17 March 1921, Page 17

THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH AND THE IRISH QUESTION

This is the letter (appearing in the Outlook for February 28) which brought a storm of protest on the devoted head of the Editor from angry parsons and others, and, which irritated the offensive forger “Givis” in the 0.D.T., on March 5: Sir,—Do the leaders of the Presbyterian Church read the Home cables ? They read them closely when Germany was sending fire and sword through Belgium, and when she was destroying the vital industries and rural life of France. Again fire and sword are driving through a small country. Again “frightfulness” is unchained against a nation’s industries and the sanctity of its homes. But now? Sir, — know why, of all Churches, it is most difficult for British Presbyterianism to formulate a Christian verdict on the Irish question. A root of bitterness was planted in the seventeenth century, and bitter and profitless fruit it has bdrne us since. Peace is worth a great price, but it is never worth honor. The time has come when our Church must declare herself on Ireland’s case, in terms of the twentieth century, or be forever shamed. For New Zealand Presbyterianism the hour has come with the announcement of the Prime Minister’s departure for the Imperial Conference in June. It. is impossible but that the affairs of Ireland shall be dealt with then, by the Dominions in their new status as partners in the Britannic Commonwealth, no less than by the Home Government. Is Mr. Massey to go to London without New Zealand’s, will being expressed for his warrant in these momentous, these crucial deliberations ? One Church alone has spoken here already on the Irish question—the Roman Catholic. One secular body alone has spoken —the Labor Party, —to its honor be it said. Is it possible that the growing mass of informed, intelligent, religious, and humanitarian opinion in this country shall, find no other channels for its expression before Mr. Massey goes. The time is short, indeed, blit our repentance will be very long if the Presbyterian Church does not at this supreme moment stand true to its ancient traditions and the Divine command which points a new duty to the sons of the Covenant. I have spoken of the cables because, garbled and inadequate as "they are, they indicate enough for plain men’s . guidance. But we should inform ourselves through the many avenues which offer a full and independent statement of Ireland’s piteous case to-day. The most able and honored public men, writers, publicists, and journalists in Britain to-day unite in presenting a picture of cynical treachery, futile mis-government and unmasked brutality only paralleled by the Imperial despotisms of Germany and Russia. England’s “policy” in Ireland can be judged without one word of Sinn Fein propaganda on the records of the British Parliament itself. It is enough for us to know that for at least four years past the Habeas Corpus Adt, with ©very other constitutional safeguard of Englishmen’s liberties, has been withdrawn from Ireland ; that hundreds of men have been spirited away,, uncharged and untried, as in the days of the Bastille; that no one in the areas under active coercion knows whether his house will not be burned and he himself shot or bayoneted before morning. No woman or child can walk in town or country safe from a random bullet from a Crown soldier’s gun; no girl is sure that she will not be dragged from her bed to see her brother shot by the blaze of his o\*m rooftree. Any reader of current journalism can give lists of unpunished atrocities recalling the German drive through Belgium—atrocities like the shooting of Ellen Quinn and the murder of Canon Magner, which are making the name of Britain a byword and a reproach all over the world. If there are those of us who revert to the days of the Judges and say these reprisals are justified in the putting down of murder, we are forced to learn that Ireland was crimeless in 1917 and 1918, though she was then under the regime of "the Bastille and the Star

Chamber. - The army that went from England after the elections of 1918 went to put down republicanism, not crime, for there was no crime till the troops came. Was it strange that at last, when Ireland saw her young soldiers, lured away “to fight the battles of small nations/’ shotsfor asking freedom for their own, a section of the goaded people fell away to violence ? What have we Presbyterians to say at this crisis of Britain’s fortunes?for let us make no mistake, anything short of self-determination, anything short of the freedom Ireland has striven for during seven centuries,6 means the end of the British Empire. The slow-grind-ing mills of God are turning rapidly now. Do we stand for the things that Ireland suffers to-day Do we stand for the “Protestantism” that recently caused ten thousand Catholic workmen to fly for their lives from Belfast, leaving all they possessed behind them ? I wonder if there are many more who, reading these terrible signs of the times, feel like people in a dream, tranced and quiescent in situations which were they awake, would drive them to horrified action. Once there were some who slept in a garden because they failed to watch and pray. It may be that even already we have been told to sleep on now and take our rest because the hour of our vicfil went fruitless by. If so, this sleep of Church and Empire will be soon and tragically broken.— am, etc., Jessie Mack ay. Cashmere Hills, Christchurch February 22.