Permanent link to this item
Dublin Notes., New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVII, Issue 20, 7 September 1888
(From the National papers.)
Bt way of punishment, Mr. Mandeville's cell was left uncleaned for *v - U Untilj ntil the noißol °c and intolerable smells, threatening to breed typhoid in the prison, compelled the doctor to interpose. The wretched prisoner was confined for days and nigits alone, in a stoneP* re ° ccli, without one glimpse of the outer day, stretched on a plank-bed, and fed upon bread and water. Finally, the crowning outrage was perpetrated upon him. He was set upon and Gripped by Brutal force, and allowed to remain tor f irty-eight hours, in midDecember, in a clammy, ice-cold call, with only a towel to cover his n **u dneßß> No frame < however hardy, could undergo such treatment with impunity. Mr. Mandeville was a Hercules when he £ n i#T prißon in Tullamore. He was a broken-down invalid when •w left. A lung and throat affection accompanied him from the gaol and brought him to his grave. By a three days' cold, that •trong young life was snuffed out like a burned-down taper. 'Tis Well the truth should be spoken out plainly. He died a martyr in the cause of justice and humanity. He died th« victim of the cruel spite of a cowardly sybarite, who would not let his own little fimgar ache in any cause, however just or noble. Mr. Therry, and his sub-bailiff Dwane, continue to play the part of Highland caterans all around Fermoy and Mltchelstown, in the endeavour to collect the Leahy impost. They make forays at unearthly hours of the morning, under the protection of strong bodies of police, and seiza the very best stock they can lay their hands on. The cattle thus taken are subjected to tha roughest hurrying and chasing, so that by the time they are bougbt in at the pound, they must considerably ba deteriorated in value. Rtmovable Eaton continues his mingled policy of bullying anrl soft-sawder to ■ecurea victory for the blood-stained coercionistg. Oa Friday, July 6, at the Conna Petty Sessions, he delivered another very eloquent homily, on the duty of the subject and the constitutional a9pact of the question of resisting such imposts. He would grant the same heavy costs as ha had already grantel, he said, but he knew Mr. Therry wouldn't preis for them if the people would only pay the levy. This he was sure they would willingly do, but for the efforts of the agitators. It was folly, he added, to think that the tax could be successfully resisted, as the Government would give every assistance towards collecting it. Mr. Eaton's memory is bad. He forgets that Limerick and Derry have successfully resisted taxjs which tney believed unjust. Tue next intetc sting phase of this contesc will arise when it is attempted to levy the tax from the Fermoy Town Commissioners. Thu body held its last public meeting on SaturJay, July 7, and while resolving tj pay the ordinary county casi to the Grand Jury, it wa9 decided to ignore the Leahy tax altogether. It was decided that if a claim were furnished for the tax by the Grand Jury the applicants should be told to " furnish again." Tbis resolution accurately reflects the sentiment of the immense majority ol tn« people. A little incident which occured at Fermoy a few days ago shows their determination. A farmer drove bis cart slowly through the town, displaying on the back of his vehicle, the placard ontaining the extract from the Daily News, whica the police have been so furiously teiring down, and besides it another, stating that the barony of Coodous and Clongibbon would follow tne example of Clare in resisting the blood-Lax. This daring defiance of police sentiment wai perfectly successful, as no attempt to intertere with the farmer or his placards was made.
Sufficient attention has not been given to the circumstances of tha eviction of Mr. Hugh Mooney, of Newbawn, Ratndrum, County Wicklow. Unhappily such scenes are of so frequeat occurrence now that they would reqnire a special gazette of their own, very often, to barely tabulate them. There are circumstances in this case of Hugh Mooney's, however— circumstances of hardship in the landlord's financial dealings with the tenant ; and circumstances of brutality on the part of the evicting gang and heroism on the part of those who resisted their attack on Hugh Mooney's hou-e — which litt it out of the ordinary run. Hugh Mooney'u landlord is Mr. Littledale, of Dublin, solicitor. For twenty years Mr. Mooney had held the farm ; and he paid until lately the enormous rent of £148 5s 7d. How he paid this rent on a farm, half waste, whose valuation was but £75, is matter for amazement. His paying powers, however, gave out at last, and he was compelled t© seek an abatement. At the time of his eviction he was three yews in arrears ; and he had lost £1,200 on the farm. He offered to continue working it at £70 a-year ; but this would not suffice, However, some notion of the conscious rackrenting may be gleaned from the fact that Mr. Littledale effered to reduce the rent from £148 to £86 if Mr. Mooney would pay £100 arrears. But Mr. Mooney had not left himself in a position, owing to the long payment of the ruinous rent, to avail himself of this offer; hence the eviction. The house was defended in the most splendid style by ten young men, neighbours of Mr. Mooney's — he himself being invalided. For several hours they maintained their position against a strong force of bailiffs aud Emergeocymea, and did not give up until a powerful body of armed police bad forced their way into the house. The leader of the Emergency party was the notorious Woods. When the place' had been captured and the defenders were marched out handcuffed, the bailiffs aad Emergencymen wreaked their spite by smashing into chips eveiy article of furniture they could find in the house, and left the place a complete wreck ,
We are to have an autumn session of Parliament. Though the House was untroubled practically with Irish business, save that of bringing the Chief Secretary to task nightly for his tyrannies and prevarications, the Government have made little or no progress with public business. They are now hopelessly floundering over the Local Government Bill, and have been compelled to throw several minor measures overboard, including the famous one for providing a ■alary for an Under-Secretary for Mr, Balfour. Mr. Smith made the
formal announcement of the collapsa on Tuesday night, July 10 and was badly mauled over the matter by Mr. Labouchere, Lord Randolph Uhurchill, and other members.
The maw of coercion is moreuuappeasible than that of Moloch. It is not satisfied with the sacrifice of children, but it must needs have victims who are already tottering into the grave into which it would help them. What shall be said to the fact that a pior wreck of humanity, bowed under toe weight of a hundred winters' ■nows, was arrested and brought off to gaol ! Such is the atrocity we find recorded in the Kerry Sentinel of the week ending July 7 Oa Tuesday (it says) Ellen Griffin, of Ballinakilla, was arrested and Drought to Tralee gaol in default of paying a fine imposed upon her tor having bcea fouad iv possession of tac wretched sheeling in Glenbeigh from which sha was evicted last year. Ellen Griffin, it is stated by the Sentinel, is more than a uundre 1 years old ; and sha has be3n the mother of sixteen children— hosta*e3 1 ) most unkindly fortune. This poor old Niobe was so enfeebled when she was arrested by Mr. Balfour's muscular policemen that she had to be assisted by them all the way to Glenbaigh police- barrack ; and it is set down as creditable to the humanity of thoss armed agent* of • the law " that they actually complied with the only request sha made. And what a request I Tnat she might ba allowed to taka with her to prison tha chief thing she was likely to want when she emerged therefrom— to wit. a shroud I Glenbeigh has done much towards showing the world what a ghoul-like thing is Irish landlordism. This new development of it, under the direstion of Mr. Taornton Todd. bids f ttr to eclipsa anything achieved by the petroleum brigade of Messrs. Darley and Boe. Mr. O'Donnell's action against the Times came to a most lame and impotent conclusion on Tnursday, July 5. After suffering the Attorney-General to reiterate all the slanders of the >( Forgar," the Lord Chief Justice intimated tnat be could not allow the case to co on any further, as Mr. ODannell had nociuse of action ; and the jury without having the box found a verdict for the def andent. The tact that the foreman added that in the opinion of the jury the "criticisms were justified" gives an indication of the sort of fair play which might ba expected had Mr. Paraell been so fatuous as to trust to the verdict of a jury permeated with the poison spread about to carefully anl continuously by the Times. In the House of Commons on Friday evening Mr. Parnell, in the presence of the AttorneyGeneral and Sir Henry James, maie a statement on the subject of the action, again denouncing the atrjoioas faeries of the Times and proving to the satitf iction of every thiakinx mind how palpably clumay they were in ad Jition. Mr. Justin M'Carthy also made a a'atem'Dnt on the subject, explaining how simple a business transaction was the passage oE the cbeque between himself and Mr. Frank Byrne about which so much noise had been made by the Tines. It was in his capacity as secretary of the H ima Rale C of Great Britain that Mr. Byrne got this cheque, in exchange for a number of smaller cheques aDd pjs'-office orde.s received as subscriptions. At a large demonstration held in Glasgow on Sunday, July 8 Mr. Michael Davitt referred to the subject of the action, and in the course of it statid that he and some other Irish Nationalists had advised Mr. O'Donnell to take the course he had taken over the action and that Mr. Parnell had notbiag whiteverto say to it. He blamed the Lor.l Chief Justice for having allowed the Attorney-General to gi on with his slanders when hi discovered Mr. O'Donnell had no case; and he challenged the Government to put him (Mr. Daviit) along with Mr. Parnell, in the dock if they believe! them guilty ot the dreadfu 1 charges made agaiust them by the Times. We suppose we must be tbaokful for small favours. The Mail lately published a most horrible and revolting article about the desecration of a bailiff's grave at Woodford. All the details were nnrrated of the persrcjtion unto death of an unfortunate man named Whaley. After his death, we were told, "none of his neighbours entered the house of mounting, and no word of sympathy was addressed to his relatives." Horrible enough this was, but there was worse to come, for the Mail went on to inform its readers that - the funeral took place at two o'clock in the morning, aad wag attended by only the dead man's wife, their son and daughter, and four policemen." But tha outraga did not end with un- Christian apathy. It took the form of inhuman outrage, for, according to the Mail, " two or three nights afterwards the coffin was dug up and placed standi g on its h«ad, leaning against the wall of the graveyard." It is scircely credible, but still it is the fact that fjr this abominable and circumstantial calumny on the people of Woodford there is not a particle of foundation. In its issue of Wednesday, July 11, the Mail fully acknowledges the f tlsehood and apologises for publishing it. It is Borne sign of grace and repentance that the Mail publisned the disclaimer, bat inasmuch as it says that tha report camj from n correspondent who had been in tha habit of supplying them with reports, the public would, we are sure, be glad to know tha nam3 of this reliable gentleman. However, we commend the exampleof the Mail in retracting and apologising, to the Times and toe other Tory journals that lend themselves to toe dissemination of foul charges against Irishmen. , °
The Home Rule victories in Southampton and in Ayr were thoroughly appreciated by friends and foes as measures ot the strength of the movement in England and Scotland. The three recent Home Rule elections in Limerick, Longford, and South Sligo attracted no attention at all. The selected representatives of the National party were elected unopposed as a matter of course. Yet these elections to our mind, and the manner of these elections, are not less, but rather more, significant of the strength of the Home Rule position than the splendid triumphs of Southampton and Ayr. We must remember what the coercionists pretended and waat they prophesied somelutle whi c ago. The Home Rule majority in Ireland, we were told, was an artificial majority, got together and kept together by the intimidation of a few "-village ruffi ins." Nationality had no root in the hearts of the people. Let but the pressure of intimidation be removed by bantficent coercion and the whole country would revolt against the tyranny of the League. Well, coercion has been applied in no district more persistently or more stringently than in these three constituencies. Limerick has the additional advantage of an episcopal coercion of its
own. Behold the result. The electors, so far as we can judge, have not altogether revolted from the League. Not one of the bogus candidates of the 1.L.P.U., who were as thick as blackberries at the last election, dare show his nose in a southern, eastern or western constituency. There ib no opposition ; there is-no whisper or suggestion of opposition to the National candidates. Their unopposed returns are so much a mattnr of course that it never occurs to any of our contemporaries, National or Conservative, to notice it as deserving any particular comment, and it is only by accident, as it were, that our own attention has been awakened to the singular significance of the occurrence. The latent coercion majority which we are all told exists in Ireland lie very low at election time. The meaniag of the triple lesson is that coercion has but served to widen, deepen, and strengthen the Home Rule movement in Ireland. Mr. Balf our will not slip out of the Caßtle-eviction-circular under the hand of Divisional Magistrate Cullen so easily as he thinke. His attempted evasion of Mr. John Bllia's question in the House was too clever by half. If the circular were a forgery there could be no reason in the world to restrain him from an indignant denial and denunciation of the forgery and repudiation of the return to the old policy of Mickey the Botch, which it embodies. He is not the man to miss that chance if he conld safely take it. It is significant that he took refuge in a Bubterfuge rather than a falsehood. In the old days officials were in the habit of point blank contradicting the damning exposures of United Ireland, with the inevitable result of rendering them more damning and complete. Whenever the opportunity was afforded us of testing our accuracy in the witness-box — as in the case of the Castle infamies, the opinion of Mr. Holmes, and the policy of Sir Michael Hicks- Beach, and the acts and letters of his subordinates— we have proved the accuracy of our revelations home to the hilt in open court. We defy Mr. Cullen to challenge a single word of the circular which we published over his name. There is nothing to close his mouth on the subject but the terror of more complete exposure. Meantime, we vouch for the accuracy of every line of the circular, which even Mr. Balfour's audacity does not venture to deny. This statesman of " infinite resolution and resource " has embarked in Mickey the Botch's battered and broken-down policy of refusing police assistance in evictions " likely to provoke comment," while humble and helpless isolated victims are bundled out without pity on the roadside. In a different tone he teaches precisely the same lesson as the Plan, that resolute combination " likely to provoke comment " is the one chance of safety for the tenants. A remarkable return is published in Tuesday night's, July 10, Dublin Qaaette. It purports to give a return showing the number of inquiries which have been held dnring the quarter ended the 30th of June last, under the Star Chamber Clause of the Coercion Act, the number of days occupied, the number of summonses issued, the number of witnesses examined, the names of and the sentences on the persons committed for contempt, and the result, if any, of each inqury. The, Star Chamber inquisition, according to the official return, was in operation for 88 days in thirteen districts, or nearly seven days in each locality where it was sought to build up a case for the operation of the Coercioa Act that otherwise would be inoperative. Two hundred and twenty-seven witnesses were examined, and of these twenty-seven were committed for contempt, that is, refusing to make informers of themselves or to testify to that of which they had no knowledge. In seven out of thirteen districts scheduled, which seems scarcely to have exhausted the list of inquiries, we are told that the inquiries are still pending; in other words, that an effort will continue to be raade to locate or fix a crime upon a district by the deductions from innocent admissions of unsophisticated peasants. So far the result of the inquiries have tailed to justify the inquisitions, the net result of the eighty-eight days' work being that, except those committed for " contempt of court, " in various sentences from one to four weeks, repeated like a doctor's prescription, only five persons charged under the Coercion Act in one instance have been returned for trial on the evidence adduced, while only twelve have been arrested "against whom proceedings of inquiry are now pending. " In Castleisland, it is right to add, it is stated that " several " persons have been returned tor trial on Star Chamber evidence. The Echo is the organ of the Liberal-Unionists. The Unionists are the party of Lord Hartington. It is strange through what mouths the voice of truth sometimes insists on making itself heard. The Eclw has been joining in the yapping chorus at Mr. Parnell's heels which the O'Donnell trial set in motion. All of a sudden on Monday evening, July 9, in the midst of its yapping, while its yapping was actually going on in other columns of the same issue, it waß inspired to break forth with a little article in which the voice of truth sounds like the clear note of a trumpet above the din. "We have never," says this article, which is entitled " Cause and Effect," " considered that the Times newspaper stood alone in formulating its terrible accusations against the Parnellite party. We have always imagined that Laid Hartington has been at the elbow of the chief proprietor of tlie Times. The blood of Lord Frederick Cavendish still crieth from the ground and Lord Hartington will use all legitimate means to avenge that brother's blood." Coming from one of the principal organs of Lord Hartington's party, this is a rather remarkable accusation. But the admonition which follows is more remarkable still, "It is well," says the Eclw, " that Lord Hartington and all concerned should remember certain indestructible facts which now from one another : — ' One fact was that, in 1880, certain landlords — the Duke of Devonshire not included— were exacting unjust rents and evicting poor tenants. Another fact was that the Government, of which Lord Hartington was deservedly a powerful member, passed the Compensation for Disturbance Bill, which would have sheltered, for a time, poor tenants who could not pay their rents ; another fact was that the House of Lords remorselessly defeated the merciful Bill ; another fact was that outrages multiplied in consequence ; another fact was that in consequence of the increase of outrages a crushing Coercion Bill was carried in 1881 ; another fact was that Mr. Parnell and other leaders were swept into prison, under the provision of the said Coercion Act, without trial ; another fact was that exasperation ripened in the Celtic
Irish heart— exasperation which culminated in the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish ; other facts equally disturbing have in historical s quence transpired ; but the fact of facts which should never be forgotten, and which never will be forgotten by the faithful historian, is that the House of Lords, by throwing out the Compensation for Disturbance Bill, was the chief cause of the retinue of sadness and suffering which followed.' " This terse and forcible statement of the most terrible chapter of recent Irish history, coming from a Unionist organ, is as effective in its own way as a Press Agency leaflet.
Dublin Notes., New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVII, Issue 20, 7 September 1888
See our copyright guide for information on how you may use this title.
Papers Past now contains more than just newspapers. Use these links to navigate to other kinds of materials.
These links will always show you how deep you are in the collection. Click them to get a broader view of the items you're currently viewing.
Enter names, places, or other keywords that you're curious about here. We'll look for them in the fulltext of millions of articles.
Browsed to an interesting page? Click here to search within the item you're currently viewing, or start a new search.
Use these buttons to limit your searches to particular dates, titles, and more.
Switch between images of the original document and text transcriptions and outlines you can cut and paste.
Print, save, zoom in and more.
If you'd rather just browse through documents, click here to find titles and issues from particular dates and geographic regions.
The "Help" link will show you different tips for each page on the site, so click here often as you explore the site.