MR. REDMOND IN AUCKLAND.—THE "GREAT CHARTER" OF ENGLISH LIBERTY.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XI, Issue 30, 23 November 1883, Page 23

MR. REDMOND IN AUCKLAND.— THE "GREAT CHARTER" OF ENGLISH LIBERTY.

Ms,. Redmond acquitted himself in Auckland in a manner which must have been highly gratifying to bisavowed friends and admirers, and not a little mortifying to his open enemies, as well as embarassing to his timid, wavering and temporising countrymen. The Irish nobility and gentry of Auckland, Catholic and Protestant, appeared to look askance on Mr. Redmond, aud to give him what is called the cold shoulder. If he had been an emissary of the Irish " Invincibles," a red-hot dynamiter, or suspected to be such, they could hardly have avoided him in public more scrupulously than they did. They seem to have regarded him as one infected with a political leprosy, and with whom it was dangerous to come in contact. On the occasion of his delivering his able lecture here, not one of the Catholic or other Irish elite condescended to occupy a .place on the platform. He was left to the patronoge of the " industrial classes " exclusively. The chair was occupied by a we]l-knowu, highly respectable, intelligent, and successful working mechanic, Mr. George Leahy. I cannot think that this reflected any credit on the liish nobility and gentry of Auckland, hut very much the reverse. Ido not like to say anything ill-natured or censorious, but such conduct on their part seemed to me to show that they were obsequious votaries of Mammon, rather than real Irish patriots, lovers of justice, and haters of oppression. Was there anything in Mr. Redmond, personally or politically, of whicb any Irishman in Auckland, Catholic or Protestant, however rich or respectable or high in rank, had any reason to be ashamed ? The best among them all would have done honour to themselves by showing him attention and respect in public. He is of gentle birth, the* member of an honourable Irish family, -the nephew of a general officer in Her Majesty's service, a member of the Imperial Parliament, and as loyal to his Sovereign, as true a friend to the integrity of the Empire " as George Grey, or even His Excellency Sir W. Jervois himself. He never spoke of the Queen as <; poor creature," which Sir George Grey once did. His politeness as an Irish gentleman, and his loyalty as a Catholic subject never would have allowed him to do that Had Sir George Grey, Mr. Tole, and Mr. Sheehan bjen true Irishmen and what they profess to be — true liberals and friends of the people —they would publicly have taken Mr. Redmond by the hand, and one of them have presided at his meeting in Auckland.— la doing so they would have encouraged a true and loyal Irish patriot, a highly cultured gentleman, a gifted Irish orator, and a sound and sensible Irish statesman, in the noble work of securing justice to the long oppressed Catholic people of Ireland. But they lost the opportunity. When Mr. Redmond writes, as he has promised to do, a detailed account of his mission to New Zealand, the Irish aristocracy of Auckland will make but a very poor figure in his book. — Then, countrymen at Home will form but a mean opinion of their patriotism, their sense of justice and humanity, and independent spirit. From motives of prudence or delicacy Mr. Redmond may not commit to writing all that he thinks of the cool treatment he met with from the " upper circles "of Irishmen in Auckland. Bug it will leak out to some extent, we may be sure. For the clergy there is an excuse. The Pope's " Circular " against Irish agitation, or rather against collections oi money for Parnell, has placed the clergy in a somewhat embarrassing position, at least for the present, in respect of Irish politics. But the Pope is not absolutely opposed to all public agitation in favour of justice to Ireland, and could not consistently be so. On the contrary, not long ago he gave permission to Irish Catholic bishops to allow old experienced priests, of known prudence, to take part in political meetings., to'keep the people on the safe path. But, though much may be said in defence of collecting funds for Mr. ParneH or the League generally, my opinion is this, much may be reasonably urged against it, and in favour of the Pope's prohibition against it. To place money in the hands of a powerful national political league, who are responsible only to themselves for the use they put it to, is, as a rule, a dan geious proceeding. Mr, Parnell is aa honourable man and a true patriot, but his successor as leader of tbe League may be a man of a very different and opposite character. What becomes of the funds then ? If the people of Ireland were true to themselves and to the Cnurcb, they -would need no national league for the defence or |recovery of their rights. The elective franchise is a weapon sufficiently powerful for their protection if they would only use it wisely, honestly, and bravely aa they are now doing for the first time in their history' I maintain that an educated, united, virtuous, Catholic people faith' ful to the Church can never be lodjj enslaved— nor will the ruler o* auch a people ever venture long to tyrannise over them. It is becaus^ the Irish Catholic people, or the great bulk of them, have for agee been so disunited, so vicious in their lives, and so disobedient to thes

voice of the Church that they have suffered bo cruelly at the hands of their English, enemies and tormentors. A disunited, immoral, and irreligious people even though they profess the true religion, are not fit to'be free. They are fit only to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for their enemies and oppressors. It was the Irish themselves who originally aided the tyrant Henry and his creatures to fasten the yoke of servitude upon their own neck. Dearly have.they paid for this great national crime by seven centuries of suffering and humiliation. Since then the Irish have been far more faithful to British than to Irish interests. I speak not of individuals but of the main body of the Irish people. This view of the character of Irishmen and the cause of their past sufferings is not very flattering to their national pride and self-love, but I contend that it is the correct view. The fact is that it is with nations as with individuals — their worst sufferings are usually self-inflicted. But Ireland is obviously now learning political wisdom acd the value of unity from the painful experience of the past. Her people will yet become a great nation, will take the precedence of the people of England and Scotland in the moral and political regeneration of the world. She never, like the people of England and Scotland, betrayed and forsook the Church of God, like Judas, for filthy lucre's sake. She belongs to the " chosen sect " in the Christian sense. The impious and cruel Protestant rulers of England — Henry, Elizabeth, and Cromwell — laboured hard to exterminate the hated Irish race and their religion, as Pharaoh of old attempted to destroy the Hebrews and their religion in Egypt. But Pharaoh was defeated in his aim, so were the wicked tyrants, Henry, Elizabeth, and Cromwell. In spite of Pharaoh the Hebrews became a great people, " like the staTs of heaven for multitude." In spite -J£ the godly Henry, Elizabeth, and Cromwell, their mffifrn imitators, the Irish, instead of becoming exterminated are alsCnjecoming a great nation like the stars of heaven for multitude. They are taking the lead in this and other countries in everything that makes for the interest of Christianity and public liberty. The National League of Ireland is virtually a Catholic league. Its salutary influence is not confined to Ireland alone, but extends to all parts of the United Kingdom and the colonies, and even to British India, Mr. Gladstone's English "Agricultural Holdings Bill " and Lord Ripon's Indian " Rent Bill " are due to the Irish Land League or Irish National League, and embody the main principle of the Irish Land Bill — that is, protection of the cultivator of the soil against the injustice and extortion of the landlord, supposing thesebills to bef airly carried out. lam no politician myself, but I go with Mr. Cobbet, who maintained that practically it matters little who may be the actual owner of the soil provided the cultivator be fully protected by law in all his rights. In days of old. in Catholic times, the monks were the greatest and the most liberal of landlords. " How would the English tenant now," says William Cobbet, "jump for joy if only they could get their farms on the same easy terms as their ancestors got them from the good monks 1 The Church lands were in fact the property of the people, and held in trust for them by the clergy. The people of England then knew nothing of rack-rents, poor rates, or oppressive taxes. Yet they were a great, free, and prosperous people, though not so rich and luxurious as now— nor so wicked either. The Church was robbed of her lawful property by the ancestors of the men who now enjoy the sacrilegious spoil. Who, let us ask. have been the gainers by the robbery 1 Were the people the gainers. No ; yet the people have been deluded into the idea that they were great gainers by the change at the Reformation. The reason of this delusion is that most of the English and Scotch people are densely ignorant of the political history of the past. Interested Protestant sovereigns,Jlords, bishops, historians, and newspaper men — their tools— have hoodwinked and deluded the people into the belief tbat the " Reformation " was a blessing to theminstead of a heavy curse. In that belief they will remain till a knowledge of true history undeceive them. But it is very hard for Protestant people to get to the knowledge of true history. The Protestant Press and pulpit and Pailiament have long entered into a base conspiracy to conceal it from tbem. But truth, like murder, will out some day, sooner or later. I have been told by those who have the best means ot knowing that tlie English and Scotch tenants suffer quite as much from the caprice and rapacity of their landlords as Irish tenants have done, if not more. One of my informants said, " I go with the Irish League in everything but the murders " as if the murders were approved of by tbc League. The English and Scotch tenant has not the couTagc to oppose the tyranny of his landlord. The " Reformation," cowed and tamed them effectually, and made them cringing serfs to the Church vobbei s. The prosperity of Catholic Ireland, humanly speaking, isthe piospeiitv of the Catholic Church. Outside the Catholic Church nothing worth the name of Christianity is to be seen. The interests of the Cathalic Church are best advanced by faith, hope, and charity, by unity among her members, and by their virtuous and charitable lives, wliich will bear down all opposition and put their enemies and detractors to shame. The people of this Colony arejust as abject political slaves as the peoplg of Bn{^*i24 and Scotland are. They are the creatures of landrings\ usurers, and newspapers. This should not be, seeing they possess unirci^il suffrage. But what is the use of universal suffrage to an ignorant, abject people, who have nothing like political unity or combinaiiou among them, and no competLiit popular leaders to advise and guide them, no Paraell or Redmond in fact. Let us see what the Auckland Branch of the Irish National League will dote put life and mettle into our Catholic people. The people of Ireland are now t iking their own affairs into their own hands in spite of the nobility and gentry, and by perfectly legal and constitutional means too. Will the people of this Colony follow suit? We shall see. Mr. Parncll and his party do not depend on tbc genteel, the wealthy, the titled, to cai ry them through, but on " the bold peasantry, their country's pride," upon tbe skilful mechanics and other horny-handed sons of toil. It is upon these several classes that Mr. Parnell and his League lean for supp n-fc, 1 n these M>. Redmon'd found his support while in Auckland, aul jiot in the Auckland Irish gentility — Catholic or Protestant, 'lhi- high-born, the titled, and the wealthy are the natural leaden t>l' the peop'c. but, if these betray their trust and turn against the people, then the people must march on without these leaders and select their own,

I confess I am curious to see what the Auckland Branch of the Irish National League will do, or attempt to do if anything, for the public benefit generally, and for the Catholic people in particular. They cannot benefit the Catbolic people without individually benefitting other classes, so closely are the best interests of the community at large dovetailed with Catholic interests. But they must have a leader. Everything in a League depends on the. character of their leader for knowledge, tact, .ability, amd integrity. I suspect they must seek one outside the privileged classes or aristocracy. They must fall back on the horny-handed. I should say to the Irish League as John Hampden said to his bold compeers when they threw down the gauntlet of defiance to the tyrant Charles I—"I — " Take your stand upon Magna Charta, the great charter of an English freeman's rights," that charter the Protestant Hallam in his " Constitutional History of England " has described as "the keystone of English liberty." The Protestant historian and divine, Dean Millman, regards it as '' founded on ihe eternal principles of justice." That, therefore, ought to be the political gospel of the Irish National League. No true Briton can object to its being made so. I never read of the legal atrocities committed in Ireland in past times,, and even latterly, without a feeling of horror and disgust against those landlords and others who perpetrate them. They reflect disgrace not only on England, her Government and Press, but on human nature itself. The wide prevalence of unpunished injustice in this world, it is said, is one of the best arguments which [the light of nature can suggest for a life beyond the .grave, and a future state of rewards and punishments. Irish assassins can be and have been punished justly, but who is to punish the Irish eviction landlords, who, by their remorseless cruelty provoke those assassins to their crimes. Judgment must be deferred in their case. Catholics, beyond all other men in the Empire, have a right to claim" Magna Charta," the great charter, as their political gospel, their inheritance and basis oE the policy they defend. That charter was won for Englishmen mainly by the courage and address of a Catholic prelate, Cardinal Stephen Langton. It can never became obsolete nor out of date any more than the " eternal principles of justice " can become obsolete. Many modern Englishmen, degenerate Englishmen I will call them, scruple not to set aside tbat glorious charter and its complement, the Habeas Corpus Act, when it suits their unjust and despotic purposes to do so. Such men are Messrs. Gladstone, Trevelyan and Grey — and their apologists in the Press like our Herald. The tyrant Henry VIII. set the " Charter aside, tore it up, spat upon it, and trampled it in the dirt. But it still lives. It is the business of every English freeman still to uphold it. It ought not to be mutilated any more than Christianity. Nobth BMTON. [Our readers will see that on more than one point our respected contributor differs with views we ourselves have put forward. That, however, should not prevent his opinions from receiving the consideration that is their due. — Ed. N. Z. Tablet.]