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ambit of the British Empire. If we are incorporated within the commonwealth, think what we shall mean to the peace of tho world, with our ideals of self-government, bridging as we do the East and the West, shouldering burdens which are yours as well as ours for the service of humanity. Common Loyalty to Crown. Think again of the ties which bind us together, if you will allow them to do so. King George is your King, but our Sovereign. The devotion to his person and to his throne is a very real thing notwithstanding what some wild and extravagant men may say in my country. I claim—and let me be very plain —not as a matter of grace but as a matter of right, as the King's subject, to have an honourable place in his household, a position of equality and honour within the Empire, wherever it may be ; for to us our position in his household overseas is of far greater importance than any other questions which are agitating our minds at the present moment. lam fighting in this spirit, righting as a firm believer in the connection of India with England, fighting as a loyal and devoted subject of the King, as one who has had the honour of serving him in his Government in India, and I am fighting for the honour of my country before you all; my plea—-indeed, the plea of all my countrymen —is for equality within tho great King's Empire, including his Dominions. On that there can be no faltering or weakening on my part. I invito you to devise means with me to give effect to this cherished ambition of my countrymen. Appeal to Prime Minister of Great Britain and His Majesty's Government. May I now make an appeal to the Prime Minister ? Sir, you are the head of His Majesty's Government. Let me tell you that every single word that falls from you on this occasion will be read and reread and analysed in my country from one end to the other. I now want to make an appeal to the Prime Minister and to his colleagues. Do not send His Highness the Maharajah, do not send me, back to India to say that I have attempted to seek justice at this greatest advisory council of tho Empire and that I have failed. I speak with all earnestness. One single gesture from His Majesty's Government, one single expression of sympathy put into practice, one honest attempt made to try to find a solution, will allay the situation in India in a manner which you do not realize. lam afraid that I have trespassed too much on your time, and I beg your pardon. I also thank you for the patient and courteous manner in which you have listened to me ; but the cause of my country demanded that I should put my whole case before you frankly and to the best of my ability. STATEMENT BY HIS HIGHNESS THE MAHARAJAH OF ALWAR. The Maharajah of Alwar: Prime Minister and friends, I join in the echo of thanks to the Prime Minister for having set aside a day specially for discussing the problem of Indians overseas, a question which, I believe, will be tackled with all the good will that I see around me, and will help when it reaches its final stages, to allay the groat amount of feeling that is at present rather prominent in the minds of my countrymen. To-day is India's day, and, as these words come before my vision, thoughts and ideas of all kinds surge through my mind, some of emotion, some of patriotism, others of unity of the Empire ;. but, coloured as they are by comparatively narrow ideas of nationalism, citizenship, political rights, and freedom, they pale into almost insignificance before the dominating sunlight of the feelings and ideas of common brotherhooel. But I have to speak to-day of mundane affairs, the sordid affairs of the political arena, and about tho very life and existence in this material world of some unprotected communities. I must perforce descend from the high and exhilarating heights and leave my pedestal, which is yours also, by birthright, as'of every individual either inside this room or outside it —nay, of all fellow-beings within the four corners of the Empire. Ido so, sir, I hope, only temporarily, to try and find my level again in the life of love where we were all intended to live, and sometimes try to got to. India divided into British India and the Indian States. Now, before going further, I will briefly halt to touch, in passing, on a subject that is known to many of you already, but which, I know, is not known to some. You know that India is divided into two parts —or rather, more correctly speaking, I should say into two administrative spheres. Twothirds of that country is called British India, and is under the direct sovereignty of His Majesty the Emperor and his Government, with all its machinery of Parliament, Cabinets, Government of India, and so forth. There is the other one-third, which is governed by the Indian princes and chiefs, whose subjects are the subjects of their own rulers, and who have, not from to-day, but from six to eight generations, been in alliance by means of treaties, sanads, engagements, &c, originally formed with the British East India Company, but the responsibilities erf which were taken over by the Crown in 1858. These systems are not the growth, of yesterday, but the survival of a regime: of hundreds of centuries, yet able to imbibe and assimilate such progress as is compatible with our traditions, religions, ideas, and environments. I have trespassed on your time with regard to these matters, as they will bear an important part on which I have to say later. I intend to speak to-day, not merely as a representative of the princes, but also, and even more so, as an Indian, than whom I believe no one regards his Motherland more sacred, and who wishes nothing more than that she shall receive justice from the British Government, in whose hands her destiny is placed, and co-operation from her sister States who form the comity of nations in our Empire. Let me say at the outset that I have no vain threats to place before you —for the simple reason that they go against the very principle of " co-operation " which I placed before myself on entering the precincts of this room, the first day of our Conference.