3

A.—4

similar post had been established at Port Sandwich. He thought that these letters would justify him in bringing this matter before their Lordships' House. (Hear, hear.) It was a matter which ought to be decided quickly one way or another, and he thought that neither Government had shown any undue desire to press the matter. It might be said that this occupation had been rendered necessary on account of outrages, but he had made inquiries and had found that no serious cases of outrage had been brought home to the inhabitants of the New Hebrides. As often as not what were called outrages were the result of the abominable system of labour trade which prevailed in those parts. (Hear, hear.) He would therefore implore Her Majesty's Government, for the sake of the natives, for the sake of our Imperial and commercial interests, and for the sake of good faith in public international agreements, to take up this matter and bring it to a termination. The Marquis of Salisbuey.—My noble friend has made a very interesting speech, and I only feel very great regret that it is not in my power to give him in return anything nearly so valuable or so interesting. The truth is, I heard with some dismay my noble friend go from point to point, but I have very little indeed to add to what he has said. He will understand that there are matters which he has discussed, and which he has a perfect right to discuss, but into which it would not be right for me to follow him. For example, I could not examine the motives which induced the French Government to attach value to the New Hebrides, and the same reason likewise precludes me from examining into motives which have induced the Australian Colonies to look upon these islands with exceptional interest. There is no doubt of the international state of the case—that France and England are engaged to each other not to annex the New Hebrides, —and it is also a fact that at this moment the French Government is in occupation of these islands, and that they have assured us, in tones whose earnestness and sincerity we have no right to doubt, that they have no intention of permanently occupying those islands, and no definitive character ought to be attached to their action. They inform Her Majesty's Government that they have been induced to take the step they have taken solely in consequence of outrages which have occurred. There have been outrages—we do not quite know how many, but undoubtedly certain persons in 1885 were killed, and several others wounded and attacked. The position of the French Government is that as soon as satisfactory arrangements can be made by which the police of the islands will be maintained and Europeans preserved from danger of outrage they would be glad to withdraw their troops. Her Majesty's Government have made proposals for the purpose of carrying this object into effect. These proposals have not been rejected, neither have they been absolutely accepted. Under the pressure of political events which have happened internally and externally in France, negotiations have not gone on with that rapidity which we should like to see. We have, on more than one occasion, called attention to the delay, and the French Government have always assured us that they were prepared to make proposals, and I believe that the French Ambassador is likely to make a communication of some importance in the course of the present week. I can make no further answer, except to assure my noble friend that I am as fully sensible as he is of the sacredness of the international engagement which prevents both one and the other country from occupying these islands, and Her Majesty's Government have no intention of departing on their side from that engagement. The Earl of Eosebeey thought that the statement of the noble Marquis would cause great disappointment in the Australian Colonies, and among those in this country who were interested in the question. He should be glad if the noble Marquis could state whether there were any ships of war in the vicinity of the New Hebrides, and whether Her Majesty's Government was represented by any naval force there. The Marquis of Salisbuey said he could not answer the question without notice. It was his impression that some of Her Majesty's ships had been there from time to time. There was, however, no permanent station there, and he could not say whether there were any ships there at that moment. The Earl of Carnarvon said no one in England who had followed these matters closely, and no one in Australasia, could regard the present state of things as satisfactory. With regard to these islands an understanding had, so far back as 1840, been come to between this country and the French Government that their independence should be respected. In 1858 a definite agreement to this effect was entered into, and that agreement had for years been recognised by successive English Governments and by the French Government. Now, however, after several years of pour-parlers on the subject, the French flag was to be found flying there. It was difficult to reconcile this with the amiable theory set up by his noble friend who introduced the subject that it might be the indiscreet act of some imprudent officer on a foreign station. This was not the first case of the kind that had occurred. There was another group of islands, well known to colonists and mariners —the Society group—one of which formed the subject in 1847 of a distinct reciprocal agreement between this country and France that its independence should be respected. Yet for the last five or six years the French flag had been flying upon it, notwithstanding all protests and complaints that had been received on the subject. These islands were at a great distance from England, and, with the multiplicity of political questions which occupied public attention here, events with regard to any one of these islands were very likely to escape attention. But for the colonies these things were matters of life and death. (Hear, hear.) He did not make any charge against the French Government—or even a complaint—it was very creditable to French policy and foresight; but if their Lordships took a map and referred to the present state of things in the eastern part of the South Pacific they could not fail to be struck with the enormous amount of the recent French annexations. (Hear, hear.) Tahiti, for instance, which some years ago nearly led to a collision between the two countries, was till lately under French protection. Eecently the protectorate had been converted into sovereignty. Similarly the Society Islands, Eapa, the Austral group, and the mass of the islands that went by the name of the Lower Archipelago had, in recent years, been annexed. The