AMERICA AND ITS INSTITUTIONS.

Waikato Times, Volume I, Issue 32, 13 July 1872, Page 2

AMERICA AND ITS INSTITUTIONS.

Mr. Edwin James, once a rising English barristei, and a popular member of Parliament, but who, suddenly abandoned his prospects in England and withdrew to America about twelve years ago, has lately been lecturing on. America in London,, and tho " Times," of the 19th of April,, gavo the following sketch of one of Mr. James' lectures, delivered in St. George's Hall, Langhamplaca " Mr. James, in his opening remarks, referred gratefully to the kindness and hospitality ho had received during his eleven years' residencoin- America- After referring to the proofs of good feeling between tho citizens of the two countries shown respectively by the phihinthrophy of Mr. Peabody, the bounteous munificence of tho English people in releiving the- distress caused by tho lire iu Chicago,, and the warmth of the reception accorded to the Prince 1 of Wales and to the name of the Queen, in all American- assemblies, except when the discordant clement of Fcnianism happened to bo proseut, he dwelt upon tho great importance to the-people of this country of a full knowledge of the working of American institutions in order that their advantages and deficiencies might be appreciated! He then gave an account of the American. Republic, describing in detail the electoral machinery of the Federal and State Governments. He pointed out the objections which, were recognised by intelligent Amciicaws to' the system of not electing the President directly by the vote of the people, one of tho results being that the most ablo and states-man-like men were never elected as Presidents of that country. The President, again, had; more actual power in appointments and gifts to office than probably- all, the Monarchs iu. Europe put together. After describing the two great parties in America and some of the various divisions of those parties, known as> the " hard-shelled" and "soft-shelled" Democrats, &c., he pointed to the constant restlessness of the people and want of political reposo caused by the frequent elections. No sooner* was a President elected tban on the following day the newspapers announced a candidatewho forthwith began " pipe-laying" for the next Presidential election. Speaking of this, constant political effervescence General. I Thompson had said, " I' change my religion, every year,, my politics every month, and my opinions every hour, and yet I can't keep up with them no how," [Laughter.] Tho Americans recogniscd this desire for change,, and said.that it did no harm. Every one had an ism." To illustrate this he would read a list of announcements of lectures delivered on New Year's Eve, at Boston, and "devoted to the ladies.!' Proceeding next to discuss the question of the Alabama Claims, he remarked that thought the English public did not know tho true-state of this case, or at all events, they did not know the American view ; because,, pending negotiations, Parliament, with exceedingly good taste, had forborne to discuss the subject. He would therefore endeavour briefly to state what the American case was. He deeply regretted that America should have put forward these indirect, claims, and. he knew that many of the most thoughtful and patriotic American statesmen shared this feeling. 'Better,' an American jurist had. said,. 4 that tho case should be torn up and. scattered to the winds than that the Treaty should be sacrificed and the structure of the Court imperilled by this case, which would be tolerated only by a Nisi Court of Philadelphia lawyers.' These claims, the lecturer continued, were- exaggerated, over-reaching and incalculable, but he feared that, when all the papers on this subject were before Parliament, it would be found that this country could not resist, in point of honour, the deters mination of America to refer the question of the indirect elaims to the tribunal at Geneva. It would, he thought, turn out that the dilemma i» which, this nation was placed had been brought about by the gross incapacity and the want of prudence of the English Commissioners. How far Mr. Gladstone's Government was to be held responsible would be a question for the English to decide. Then describing in an amusing way the festivities, in America upon the conclusion of the Treaty, he read a portocol published in the American case, but which had not, so far as he knew, been put before the English public. Th& High Commissioners in the portocol of their 3Gth Conference, recording what had been done by them on the Bth. of March, 1871, stating that 'in the hope of an amicablesettlement, no estimate was made of the indirect losses, without prejudice, however, rathe right to indemnification on their account, in the event of no such settlement being made*.*

Tho American Commissioners ollcred to accept fourteen millions of dollars in settlement of their claims, bufc tho JsriLisli Coinjriissioners said they would not come to any settlement; they could only proffer arbitratration, and it was then agreed that the question should be referred to the tribunal at Geneva. This was tho American view of tho c:ise, and ifc could not be contended that a reference to arbitral ion was a settlement of the question. lie did not think the -A-Triericutis would give w;iy, indeed he did not think General Grant could give way, for he had an election coming off in November, and the Americans were particularly averse to anything' like what they call 'backing down.' As an American bad said; "Mr. Grant is not going - to give up this point in order to keep in Mr Gladstone's Government," arid hence something- like apolitical duel would arise between tho two Governments. The question was whether tho Americans were not right in saying that by the treaty, and by the portocols which preceded it, their claims ought to lie submitted to arbitration. in conclusion, the lecturer adverted to the movement begun in this country for the introduction of Republican institutions. Comparisons had been made between the cost of Government in tho two countries, but the fact was that the cost to the people of America, owing to the extent to which they were plundered by corruption, would pay the expenses of ten monarchies. [Hear, hear] Abuses may have flustered round the Monarchy of England, but they would ho removed without destroying tho structure of the Throne. [Hear, hear.] There were more intelligent Americans now who would vole for a Constitutional Monarchy in the United States than there were intelligent men who would vote for a Republic in England. [Cheers.] lie would advise the people of England to cherish to the last the free constitutional principles of this country and to venerate that lady who sat upon the throne of England.