The Wanganui Herald. (Published Daily.) SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 9, 1918. THE KAISER.

Wanganui Herald, Volume LII, Issue 15658, 9 November 1918, Page 4

The Wanganui Herald. (Published Daily.) SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 9, 1918. THE KAISER.

The London Daily Chronicle says that the Kaiser has come to a personal decision to remain, believing that he can adapt himself to the role of democratic monarch. It is quite one thing for. the Kaiser to think what he is capable of doing: the point is, what do the Allies think? What do the German people think? The compulsory signing of a more democratic constitution for Germany or the handing over of a few of his castles does not indicate a change of heart in the Kaiser. He is a Hohenzollern by blood, and the Hohenzollerns are not to be trusted. It was reported, when he signed the Reform Bill the other day, he had remarked that “the old period of Inherited authority made Germany’s war efforts possible”—a doubtful testimonial, this, Germans will think, to the beneficence of “inherited authority”—“but the aspiring popular forces may now justly claim’ fuller powers.” It was his duty, he added “to serve the people,” and he would “co-operate the new system.” If he does remain—the thing is at any rate possible, although in the highest degree improbable—his “co-operation” will have to be extremely modest. For although the Germans will agree that It is quite true that the Prussian autocratic system of government made Germany efficient and prosperous, they will point out that this efficiency and prosperity led them to ruin. An American writer in 1916 compactly summed up the history of modern Germany in a sentence: “The difficulty of bringing about political reform in Germany is \ due In great part to the success or the German Empire during a period dating from the beginning of Bismarck’s career, and to the means employed by Bismarck and his successors, including the present Emperor, to undermine democracy by promoting prosperity aid improving the condition of the people.” If the war had gone well for Germany, as the Kaiser certainly expected it would, we should hot have heard a word of the propriety of recognising the “aspiring popular forces.” The fetters would have been more firmly rivetted on the German people than ever, and perhaps ■■'V wcuM have

given up its faith, and agreed that after all Kaiseriam was the mainspring of progress and power. What the Germans now see is that the democracies outside Germany are stronger than Kalserism, and Jhat progress and prosperity manufactured by an ambtious despotism can have no long life. They gave up their liberty and their responsibility to Prussia and its army, with the most terrible results, and we may be sure that they will henceforth keep their destinies in their own hands. Whether they will insist on a republic or be content with a monarchy of very strictly limited powers remains to be seen, but it is almost impossible to believe that they will accept the Kaiser as the head of the new order of things. They could accept him in his new position only out of affection or out of regard for his competence. But they can have no affection for the symbol of the system that caused their present woes; and as for competence, they will desire in their King just as little as possible, since they mean to manage their own business in future.