THE POLITICAL CRISIS IN VICTORIA.

West Coast Times, Issue 614, 12 September 1867, Page 3

THE POLITICAL CRISIS IN VICTORIA.

The " Argus " of July 27, in its summary for England, thus tells the story of another political crisis in Victoria : — Once more on the departure of a mail for .England, the colony is undergoing a Ministerial crisis, and again the cause is Sir Charles Darling ! Once more the Appropriation Bill has been laid aside by the Legislative Council ; the Governor is without a Ministry ; the civil servants and creditors of the State remain unpaid because the funds in the Treasury cannot be made available ; judgments are being confessed in actions brought against the Crown by unpaid contractors; St. George's Hall rings with noisy oratory on behalf of the Government ; and the press of the colony, almost unanimously condemns the. conduct of the Ministry in forcing on a crisis which they foresaw, and which they did not strive to avert, • but positively invited. The story of " the crisis," so far, is easily told. The May mail from England brought a despatch from the Secre- • tary for the Colonies to his Excellency, intimating that Sir Charles Darling had " elected finally to relinquish 1 ' the colonial service. His Excellency sent a message to Parliament acquainting it with the fact ; and also a message transmitting the Assembly supplementary estimates, the latter containing an item of L 20,000 for Lady Darling, in fulfilment of the promiseof their Government to therecalled

Governor. These were pre sented on the 23rd of July, and revived tbe old question of the conduct of the Ministry and Sir Charles Darling in the previous year, and his recall, and it very soon became evident thatthe vote would be warmly resisted by the Opposition and. by the Council. It was hinted that the Appropriation Bill could not be expected to receive the

assent of the Council if it contained such a grant ; and it was suggested that the proper course for the Ministry to follow was to introduce a separate bill for the grant to Lady Darling, as had been done by the House of Commons in the cases df Palmer and Sir Eowland Hill. The subject was mentioned in the Upper House by Mr Fellows, who moved for certain papers, with a view to the indication of the feeling of the Council before the Ministry should absolutely commit itself to the course of including the vote in the Appropriation Bill. Afterwards a select committee was appointed by that House to search for precedents* for the inclusion of such a grant in the votes of the year without a special bill having been passed. That report showed very clearly that the Council would oppose an appropriation bill con- i taining such a vote. The Ministry, how--ever, persisted in refusing to listen to the suggestions that were made to them. On the Ist of August the vote came up for discussion in the Assembly, in committee of supply. Mr Ireland, on the part of the Opposition, opposed the motion for the grant in a moderately-toned and constitutional speech, in which he argued that the vote would be improper after tho expression of opinion on the subject which bad been given by successive Secretaries for the Colonies ; that it involved matters so grave that they could not properly be discussed unless the subject were brought before the House in a separate bill ; and that its adoption would form a precedent which would render constitutional Government in the colony a mere sham. Mr Higinbotham replied in a speech of unprecedented warmth. He defended the course adopted, by the precedents afforded by the cases of Lord Chatham and Mr Pitt, and could sec no reason why the grant should be the subject of a separate vote, excepting that it would give-^kfle Opposition an opportunity to reject "it. Warming up in defence of the recalled Governor, however, he suffered liimsclf to be betrayed into the*following extravagant language : — " I am aware that there is a minority on this question, and I congratulate Sir C. Darh'ng that there is a minority. It is not an ordinary occasion of the presentation of a testimonial. If we were to present him with a service of plate I have no doubt there would be perfect unanimity. We would be quite unanimous in degrading ourselves and ennobling the victim of our bounty by adulations equally extravagant and equally sincere. In this country and in other countries, at this time, as at other times, there is a large proportion of turpitude in political life, and Sir Charles Darling may take pleasure in the circumstance that he has concentrated upon hinisejf the bitterness of all the foulest element of political life in this country. (Cheers and laughter.) I believe there are not a few importing tradespeople in this city who entirely dissent from the constitutional character of tlus grant ; and I have not the least doubt that these tradespeople have their dependants in the newspaper press and their political dependants elsewhere, who would heartily join with them in condemning the grant and pursuing Sir Charles Darling to the end. I believe it is a minority quite powerless, as far as the force of expression goes. I believe that this puddle of passion and interest- -I will not say of opinion — can be stirred up by fit machinery into a perfect storm, resembling the voice of many waters ; but that is not public opinion. I am speaking of the deliberate judgment of the public conscience when I express my profound belief that this vote will be approved of, and that the judgment will be that Sir Charles Darling is entitled to the approval of his Sovereign and the lasting gratitude of the people of this country. The feeling with which this vote is proposed by the Ministers of the Crown are, I hope, not alloyed by any feeling of personal exultation — I hope lion, members will not see in this that which we should disapprove and condemn in ourselves ; but I will say this, Sir, that the arrival of- the time in which this vote can be brought down and passed fills me with the greatest pleasure. I pay unfeignedly that this is the happiest day of my political life. (Cheers.) I can say for myself, and I believe I can speak for my colleagues, that there is not one piece of advice we offered to that gentleman which we should not now repeat. (Hear, hear.) We have nothing to charge ourselves with, but at the same time we all feel there is in what has happened to Sir Charles Darling much to cause us all poignant regret. It is true, as we were his Ministers from the beginning of his career in this colony to the end ol it, that we are in some sort the cause — the innocent cause, and the only cause of any sort that was innocent (cheers and laughter)—of his downfall, and it certainly does iill me with the sincerest pleasure to find that the country is resolved not merely on restoring his broken fortunes, but on reinstating his reputation as an honored servant of the Crown, (Hear, hear.) Sir Charles Darling served his Sovereign for seventeen or eighteen years with credit. (Mr Sullivan—" To the very last.") Ido believe that the last days of his public service were the most honorable of all, and that those days in wliich, at* an advanced age, if he ever reaches it — if he be not killed first — if, I say, he ever reaches an advanced age, that the last days of his public service will be those wliich afford him in his deepest conscience the most sincere pleasure to reflect upon . . . I have given up all hope from any appeal to hon. members, and, therefore, I confess I do not sympathise with hon. members opposite in what I believe will be the disgrace* and discredit they are now bringing on themselves by the course they are taking. What is this vote? It is not merely a compensation to Sir Charles Darling, it is not merely a renewal of the expressed opinion of this House upon the merits of Sir Charles Darling, it will be when passed a decisive condemnation of those who pursued him through liis whole political career, and who now avow themselves his unrelenting enemies. It will be something more than a vote of money to Sir Charles Darling. It will be a vote of censure of the Legislative Assembly on tho constitutional faction of 1865, and I own I take some pleasure in seeing that result, and in witnessing the conduct of hon. members under it". That this vote will be passed there is no manner of doubt. (Hear, hear.) It may bo passed by this Government, it may be passed by the hon. members on the other side of the House, but passed it will be. (Cheers.) Possibly those hon. members who are now reviling Sir Charles Darling and praying the House to reject this vote, may afterwards come down to this House, and pray the House for God's sake, to pass it. (Cheers and laughter.) Well, sir, I rejoice that this vote will brand the enemies of Sir Charles Darling, who pursued him when he was here, and who do not desist from pursuing him now. I will tell those hon. members to whom I, refer that I always con-

sider f he faction to which they belong as the very vilest faction to which this country has ever given birth." The debate was postponed, but the passion which had led Mr Higinbotham into this extreme, so far from being apologised for, was afterwards adopted by the Cliicf Secretary in his remarks on the subject. The vote was assented to in the Assembly, nevertheless, by forty-two to fifteen. There could have been no hope on the part of the Ministry, after such a speech, that the Council would brand themselves as the *' vilc3t faction" which had ever cursed the country, by assenting to the vote if it were included in the Appropriation Act, The result was what had been foreseen. The bill went up, and after a debate of a single night, the second reading of the bill was negatived, on tbe 20th insfc., by twenty-three to six. The Appropriation Bill was thus rejected, unless the turn of events should induce the Council to revive it ; and as no money was available for public purposes, excepting a few thousands, which havo been used to pay tbe day-laborers and humbler officials', so far as it would go, the higher officers in the service and the other public creditors have been left unpaid. In this dead-lock between the two Houses, the Ministry proposed to his Excellency to prorogue Parliament without an Appropriation Bill, and to re-assemble the two Houses in a new session a few Hours afterwards, when the same bill would be again sent up. What they hoped to gain from this manoeuvre is not very clear. His Excellency, however, asked that he should be placed in a position to correspond with the leaders of the Opposition, and the Ministry, therefore, on the 22nd. inst., tendered their resignation. Without finally accepting it, his Excellency addressed a minute of the circumstances to Mr Fellows, whose advice as "a friend*' he asked, as to whether there was no way of providing for the requirements of the public service excepting by the objectionable course of confessing judgments or by passing an Appropriation Act. It is understood that MiFellows stated that these were the only modes of procedure. He was not asked, however, to form a Ministry, and has mdde no attempt to do so. Matters remained in this state until yesterday. It was expected that Mr M'Culloch would then again be sent for, but it is understood that his Excellency yesterday consulted another member of the Upper House, whose name has not been made known. Whether that hon. member was requested to "advise," as MiFellows was asked, or whether the communication addressed to him was more political in its tone, has yet to be ascertained. Li tliis position matters stand. Parliament will to-day be asked to adjourn till Thursday, and thus no information will come before the public officially till after the departure of the mail. In the meantime the late Ministry are endeavoring to secure the goodwill of their supporters in the meetings at which, it appears, they are vigorously harangued by Mr Higiubotham ; the Council has adopted an address to his Excellency, embodying their views of the state of affairs ; the- supporters of the Government are getting up meetings, sometimes successful and sometimes the reverse, to vote resolutions of encouragement ; while the most responsible portion of the press of the colony denounces the conduct of the Ministry, and the voice of the country, if heard on the one point alone, would protest earnestly against the proposed vote. Whatever doubt existed in some minds before as. to the dangerous character of the grant, hos been removed by the publication in the colony of the correspondence between Sir Charles Darling and the Imperial Government, as laid before the House of Commons, copies of which came to hand by the May mail.

The "Argus" of August 28, the latest date to hand, says : —

The crisis still continues, and the assistance of the Hon. Mr Fraser has been called in to control the erratic movements of the state coach. As we anticipitated, no statement of any importance was made last night in either chamber of the Legislature ; but, after some little demur, an adjournment until Thursday was assented to. In the Legislative Council, the official correspondence which had taken place between his Excellency and MiFellows was read, from which it appears that, in consequence of Mr Fellows not being placed in the position of a responsible Minister by the Governor he declined to give the advice sought. Mr Fellows, however, stated that the course adopted by him was not altogether dictated by his own opinions, but by those of the members of both Houses whom he consulted. We understand that Mr Fraser is not attempting to form a new Administration, but rather to promote such an understanding between the two Houses as shall lead to a solution of the difficulty. After the adjournment of the Legislative Council yesterday, two separate meetings, composed of members of each House, were held. Mr Fraser was present at one meeting, and appeared desirous of ascertaining whether, if the grant to Lady Darling were separated from the Appropriation Bill and sent up in a separate measure, it would be passed. He, however, admitted that he was not authorised to make such a proposition. Opinions seemed divided on the subject, and no definite understanding was arrived at. At the other meeting, Messrs Fellows, Sladen, Mitchell, and a few other hon. members were present, and a communica-' tion, making a certain proposition to his Excellency, was decided upon. This communication, we understand, was forwarded last night, and so, for the present, the matter remains.

What is the best way to curb a wild young man ? — to bridal him.

What is the flower for a doctor's buttonhole ? — Croak-us.

When should you apply a sovereign remedy to your tooth ? — When it is a-king. What is woman's best mission ?—Sub-mis-sion.

What is the difference between a bed and a spendthrift? — One is hnrd-up and the other soft down.

Noscitur a Sociis. — Why is v man with a super-naturally prominent nose likely to prove a great orator ? — Because ho excels most others in the rostrum.

What is the difference betweeu homici3e and pig-killing ?— One is an assault with intent to kill, and the other is killing witU intent to salt.

Explosive. — What has been the ebief result of artillery since its invention? — Detonations (debt-o* -nations,)

Diabolical. — "What word in the English language is like " Old Nicholus" astride of v rat? — Sin-on-a-mouso (synonymous). Oh! ."Put Him Out."— Why is'im elephant like a brick-bat? — Because neither article can climb up' a tree. (There is a warrant out for this perpetrator.) Why is a Peninsular oflicur with a profusion of whiskers like ahorso doctor ? — Bocause he's a Veterinary (Veteran hairy.)