Germany in 1906

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 71, Issue 237, 6 October 1928, Page 17 (Supplement)

Germany in 1906

Revelations Concerning World-War Policy of EWlyimg amid Blackmail

. COLLECTION of official documents at the Foreign Office in the period /X of 1904-6—an epoch of unusual importance, marked by the effort of Germany to break the British Entente with France, and of strained relations between England and Germany—was issued recently. It will enable the public of this country to realise, perhaps for the first time, the difficulties with which British diplomacy was confronted. The Great War was still eight years distant, but the documents must be read by all who would understand the influences that already were at work. ’ Among them were a secret memorandum by Sir Eyre Crowe, whose outspoken’opinion was that the habit of bullying and offending England had become almost a tradition in the Berlin Foreign Office; minutes by King Edward; and an intimate portrait of the Kaiser by Sir Frank Lasccelles. The papers formed the third volume of British Documents on the Origins of the War, and bore the title “The Testing of the Entente.” GERMANY’S MENACE—BLOW AT THE ENTENTE. Notable among the many documents now made public is a long secret memorandum by Sir Eyre Crowe, dated from the Foreign Office on Januarv 1 1907. It is a survey of the then Existing state of British relations with France and Germany. The Anglo-French Agreement of April, 1904, had drawn from the Imperial Chancellor (Prince Bulow) the admission that Germany could have no objection to the policy of the Entente. A. et the fact, soon made apparent, says Sir Eyre Crowe, was that the Emperor’s Government was thoroughly alarmed at the Anglo-Frenjh rapprochement, and was determined to defeat what might ultimately prove another stumbling-block in the way of German supremacy. Sir Eyre Crowe examines in detail German policy and action in Morocco, in South Africa during the Boer War, and Zanzibar, and the efforts made to improve Anglo-German relations. In a forcible message Sir Eyre remarks that while Bismarck when Chancellor made England concede demands objectionable more in the manner of presentation than in themselves, treating her somewhat in the style of Richard HI. wooing the Lady Ann, “Bismarck’s successors have apparently come to regard it as their ultimate and self-contained purpose to extract valuable concessions from England by offensive bluster and persistent nagging, Bismarck’s experience having shown her to be amenable to this form of persuasion without any risk of her lasting animosity being excited**: If, merely by way of analogy and illustration, a comparison not intended to be either literally exact or disrespectful be permitted, the action of Germany towards Britain since’ 1890 might be likened not inappropriately to that of a professional blackmailer, whose extortions arc wrung from his victims by the threat of some vague and dreadful consequences of refusal. The blackmailer’s trade is generally ruined by the first resolute stand made against his exactions and the determination rather to face all risks of a possibly disagreeable situation than to continue in the path of endless concessions. But, failing such determination, it is :iore than probable that the relations between the two parties will grow steadily worse. If it be possible, in this perhaps not very flattering way, to account for the Germany Government’s persistently aggressive demeanour towards’England, and the resulting state of almost perpetual friction, notwithstanding the pretence of friendship, the generally restless, explosive, and disconcerting activity of Germany in relation to all other States would find its explanation partly in the same attitude towards them and partly in the suggested want of definite political aims and purposes. A wise German statesman would recognise the limits within which any world-policy that is not to provoke a hostile combination of all the nations in arms must confine itself. THE WORLD SET AT .DEFIANCE. A German maritime supremacy must be acknowledged to be incompatibly with the existence of the British Empire, and even if that Empire disappeared, the union of the greatest military with the greatest r.aval Power in one State would compel the world to combine for the riddance of such an incubus. The acquisition of Colonies fit for German settlement in South America cannot be reconciled with the Monroe doctrine, which is a fundamental principle of the political faith of the United States. The creation of a German India in Asia Minor must ’n thy end stand or fall with either a German command of the sea or a German conquest of Constantinople and the countries intervening between Germany’s present south-eastern frontiers and the Bosphorus. Whilst each of these grandoise schemes seems incapable of fulfilment under anything like the present conditions of the world, it looks as if Germany were playing with them all together simultaneously, and thereby wilfully concentrating in hier own path all the obstacles and oppositions of a world set at defiance. That she should do this helps to prove how little of logical and consistent design and of unrelenting purpose lies behind the impetuous mobility, the bewildering surprises, and the heedless disregard of the susceptibilities of other people that have been so characteristic of recent manifestations cf Germany policy. Recognising that Germany saw in Great Britain’s action at the tim? of the Algeciras Conference “an unexpected revelation,” Sir Eyre Crowe records an impression that Germany would think twice before, she again gave rise to any fresh disagreement. KING EDWARD’S VIEWS—“AS ABSURD AS FALSE.” Attached to some of the documents are minutes penned by King Edward VII, and published in this volume for the first time. They go to show that the Sovereign had no illusions as to the state of German feeling at that time with regard to his own country. In one affixed to a despatch from Sir Frank Lascelles, who stated that the Emperor had com-

plained to him that the anti-German attitude of the British Press was “as bad as ever,” King Edward wrote: The Emperor’s statement regarding large sums of money being spent on the British Press for influencing that of the Press of foreign countries against Germany is much to be regretted. His Majesty should be informed by the British Ambassador that there is no truth in it. To a statement by Herr Von Holstein that, the British Government had offered to conclude an offensive and defensive alliance with France against Germany, King Edward appended a minute: “This is nearly as absurd as it is false.” And full significance is a comment upon German objections to Spain’s representative at the Algeciras Conference: “A case of bullying, as usual.” King Edward’s meeting with the Kaiser at Cronberg in August, 1906, is dealt with in a long despatch to Sir Edward Grey from Sir Charles Harding?, who accompanied the King. It is noteworthy that in an hour’s conversation with Sir Charles on this occasion the Kaiser gave “an exposition of the advantages of militarism,” and, while expressing confidence that in the event of conflict Germany “would crush France by sheer weight of numbers,” assured the British Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs of “his most peaceful intention.” Ho also dwelt upon the attiturc of the French, remarking that “the French nation is a bundle of nerves and a female race, not a male race likg the Anglo-Saxons and Teutons.” THE KAISER WILHELM—A PEN PORTRAIT. Among personal matters is a full-length portrait of the Kaiser Wilhelm 11., drawn in 1906 by Sir Frank Lascelles, our Ambassador in Berlin. He found him well informed, quick of apprehension, and impulsive, and fond of jokes that sometimes were taken seriously by those who failed to see them: On one occasion when I made a communication to the Emperor of an agreeable nature his Majesty replied in such a way that I was constrained to ask him whether he wished me to convey such a message to his Majesty’s Government. “No,” said his Majesty, “you surely know me well Enough to translate what I say into diplomatic language.” In that case,” I said, “I propose to report that your Majesty has received th? communication with satisfaction. “Yes,” replied his Majesty, “you may say with great interest and great satisfaction,” a meaning which even those intimately acquainted with his Majesty might jeasily have failed to gather from his original remark, which was, “The noodles seem to have had a lucid interval.” Of the “mysticism” by which the Emperor was said to be influenced and of his interference in State affairs Sir Frank Lascelles says: I have been told on good authority that he interprets the words “King of Prussia by the grace of God” in a literal sense, and regards himself as placed in a. very special manner under the direct protection of the Almighty. On the occasion of the centenary of the birth of the Emperor William I. his Majesty, in a speech delivered at a banquet in the “Weiss© Saal,” expressed the conviction that his grandfather was present in spirit, and added with some emphasis, “and he certainly paid a visit last night to the colours,” which on the previous day his Majesty had himself deposited in the palace of the first Emperor, which had remained uninhabited since his death in 1888. It was stated that the Emperor appointed himself for that special occasion aide-de-camp to his late grandfather. I am inclined to think that the interference of the Emperor in affairs of State has been largely exaggerated, and that in many cases the actions or utterances of his representatives abroad —to which exception may have been taken on account of their unconciliatory and somewhat blustering character—have been due rather to the want of direction of affairs than to the initiative of his Majesty. Sir Frank’s conclusion was that the Kaiser may have thought sabrerattling and moustache twirling a befitting attitude for the ruler of a mighty empire, but in reality he was animated by most pacific sentiments. VISIT TO GERMANY—LORD HALDANE’S DIARY. Lord Haldane on his visit to Berlin in 1906 wrote a diary for the information of King Edward, which is included in the volume. A big military review was in the programme: After dinner I had an audience 'of the Emperior. He was most cordial. . , His sons, like himself, were keen soldiers. I said that it was in the blood, and that wc in England were proud of his Majesty, as being an Englishman as well as a German. He then said that he had been often misunderstood in England; that he had even made suggestions for the improvement of the Militia some years ago with keen desire to be of use, but he feared that no one had read them. He said that there was, he though, yet another paper of his, about the operations in South Africa in 1900, though probably not so useful. Later Lord Haldane lunched with the Emperor, who spoke cordially and openly with him in the privacy of his own room: His army was for defence, not for offence. As to Russia, he had no Himalayas between him and Russia—morg was the pity. Now what about our two-Power standard! (All this was said with earnestness, but in a friendly way, his Majesty laying his finger on my shoulder as he spoke. Sometimes the conversation was in German, but oftener in English). I said that our fleet was like his Majesty’s army. It was of the “Wesen” of the nation. Both countries were increasing in wealth, we, like Germany, very rapidly, and if Germany built we must build. But, I added, there was an excellent opportunity for co-operation in other things. Th? Emperor said what he wanted was not territory, but trade expansion. I said that the line of policy adopted by his Majesty would, if thoroughly followed out, result in much good. There was a rivalry that was not only legitimate but beneficial.