THE IRISH PROBLEM.

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume LXXVI, Issue 18257, 16 August 1921, Page 7

THE IRISH PROBLEM.

BRITAIN’S PEACE PROPOSALS. DOMINION STATUS OFFERED. LONDON, August 14. Downing Street to-day published a. summary of the negotiations with Mr De Valera. * The British proposals, dated 20th of July, express the earnest desire of the British Government to end the unhappy divisions, and its longings for a satisfactory solution. They are convinced that the Irish people might find them as worthy of complete expression of political and spiritual ideals withift. the Empire as well as any of the numerous varied nations united in allegiance to His Majesty’s Throne. They desire such a consummation, not only for the welfare of Britain, but for Ireland and the Empire, also for the cause of the world’s peace and harmony. Referring to racial differences, the British people cannot believe that where Canada and South Africa have succeeded, Ireland should fail. They invite Ireland to take a place in the great association of free nations over which his Majesty reigns, as an earnest of their desire to obliterate old quarrels, and enable Ireland to face the future in her own strength. They propose that Ireland shall assume forthwith the status of a Dominion, enjoying complete autonomy in taxation and finance. She shall maintain her own courts of lav;, judges, constabulary, her own police, and take over the Irish postal services and all matter relating to education, land, agriculture, mines, minerals, forestry, labour, unemployment, transport, trade, public health, insurance, and liquor traffic. In effect, she shall exercise all the powers and privileges upon which the outonomy of the self-governing Dominions is ased. She shall be guaranteed in these, liberties, which no foreign people can challenge, without challenging the Empire as a whole. The Dominions hold by virtue of their British fellowship a standing among nations equivalent to the combined power and influence of all nations in the Commonwealth. That is the guarantee, that is the fellowship, that j is the freedom which the Empire I looks to Ireland to accept. TERMS AND CONDITIONS. The British Government is prepared to give immediate effect upon the following conditions, which in their opinion are vital to the welfare and safety of Britain and Ireland: Firstly, the common concern of Britain and Ireland in defence interests on land and sea shall mutally be recognised. Britain lives on seaborn food, her communications -depend on the freedom of great sea routes, Ireland lies across the sea ways. In recognition of this fact which Nature imposed, and which no statesmanship can alter, it is essential that the Royal Navy alone should control the sea round Ireland and Britain. Such rights and liberties shall be accorded by the Irish State as are essential fo rnaval purposes. Secondly, in order not to hamper the movement towards disarmament, the Irish Territorial Force shall, within reasonable limits, conform in respect to numbers to the military establishments in other parts of the Islands. Thirdly, Britain to have all necessary facilities for development of defence and communications by air. Fourthly, Britain hopes that Ireland in due course, and of her own freewill, will contribute in proportion to its wealth to the regular naval, military and air forces of the Empire. Further, it is assumed that coluntary recruiting will be permitted throughout Ireland for the famous Irish regiments. Fifthly, British and Irish Governments shall agree to impose no protective duties or other restrictions upon tho flow of transport trade and commerce. Sixthly, Irish people agree to resume responsibility for and share of the present debt to the United Kingdom and liability for pensions arising out of the Great War. The British Government propose that conditions of settlement be embodied in the form of a treaty, and look to such instrument to abliterate the old conflicts and forthwith clear the way to a detailed settlement in full accordance with Irish conditions and needs. The form which the settlement shall take depends on Ireland herself, and must allow for full recognition of existing powers and privileges of Parliament of the Government of Northern Ireland, which cannot be abrogated, except by her own consent. The Union came to Canada by free consent of the provinces, and so with Australia and South Africa. It will come to Ireland in no other way than by consent. The British Government will undertake to give effect to any terms in this respect on which all Ireland unites. In no conditiop can the British consent to any proposals which will kindle civil war in Ireland. Throughout the Empire there is a deep desire that the day of violence shall pass and a solution be found, consonant with the highest ideals and interests of all parts of Ireland, which will enable her to co-operate as a willing partner in the British Commonwealth. The British Government therefore, leave the new powers to be taken over by Ireland as a whole, or separately by a Southern and northern Ireland. By these proposals the British Government sincerely believe that they have shattered the foundations of ancient hatred and distrust which have disfigured our history for centuries. The future of Ireland is within the Commonwealth. It is for Irish people to share in the foregoing. The British Government has attempted no more than a broad outline of settlement, the details they leave to the discussion when Irish people have signified their acceptance of the pact. He expressed a desire to make the position absolutely clear. Continuing, he said; In my opinion nothing would be gained by prolonging the discussion of national status, which you are willing to accept compared with that of the self-governing Dominions, I must direct your attention to one point you emphasise, on which no British Government can compromise, namely the claim that

we should acknowledge the right of | Ireland to secede from allegiance to ; the King. No such right can evei’ be | acknowledged by us. The geo-graphi-1 cal propinquity of Ireland is a fun- j damental fact, and the history of the I two Islands for many centuries however, may be read as sufficient proof that their destinies are indissolubly linked. Great numbers in all the Irish provinces are profoundly atta’ched to the Throne. These facts permit of one answer —and one only. To claim that Britain should negotiate with Ireland as a separate and foreign Power, when you, as the chosen representative of Irish national ideals, came to speak made one condition only, to the effect that Ireland should recognise the force of geographical ami historical facts. Those facts govern the problem of British and Irish relations. I pass therefore to conditions imposed by thes facts. There is no need to restate them here, except to say that the British Government cannot consent to reference of any such question which concerns Britain and Ireland alone to the arbitration of a foreign Power. “I am profoundly glad to have your agreement that Northern Ireland cannot be coerced on this point of great importance, because the resolve of our people to resist to the full power any attempt at secession of one part of Ireland carries of necessity an equal resolve to resist any effort to coerce any other part of Ireland to abandon its allegiance to the Crown. I would gladly give an assurance that I will concur in any settlement of Southern and Northern Ireland, and make for Irish unity, with the six conditions laid down. These conditions contain no derogation of Ireland’s status as a Dominion. There is no desire for British ascendancy and no impairment of Ireland’s deals, but they offer to the Irish people an opportunity such as never dawned before, and are made in an earnest desire for peace, but beyond them I cannot go.” THE SINN FEIN REPLY. POLITICAL INDEPENDENCE DEMANDED. LONDON, August 14. Mr. De Valera's letter points out that the outline given in the draft oi: 20th July is selt-contradictory, and the principle of the pact is not easy to determine. We appreciate aud accept it so far as it implies recognition ot Ireland's separate manhood and right of self-determination, but in the stipulations and express conditions concerning vital matters, this principle is ' strangely set aside. Claim are advanced by the British Government io interference in Irish affairs and control of which we cannot admit. Ireland's right to choose her own path towards her destiny, maintained through centuries of oppression and at the cost of unparalleled sacrifice and suffering, we will not surrender to Britain or any other foreign State. We cannot claim to interfere with that right in order to serve our own interests. Irish people believe their national destiny is best realised by political detachment N'id free from Imperialistic entanglement. Ireland, like the small States of Europe, is prepared to hazard its independence on a basis of moral right, confident that as she would threaten no nation, her people would be free from aggression themselves. This policy the Irish have declared in plebiscite after plebiscite. Everyone understanding the conditions knows that a Dominion status for Ireland would be illusory. The freedom which the British dominions enjoy is not so much the result of legal enactments and treaties as the immense distances separating them from Britain, making interference by Britain impracticable. The most explicit guarantees, including the Dominions’ acknowledged right to secede, would be necessary to secure to Ireland an equal degree of freedom. There is no suggestion in your proposal of any such guarantees; instead, the natural position is reversed. Our geographical situation in respect to Britain is made the basis of denials and restrictions unheard of in the case of the . Dominions. The smaller island must give military safeguards and guarantees to the larger and suffer itself to be reduced to the position of a helpless dependency. It is obvious we could not urge our people to accept such proposals. A certain treaty of free association with the British commonwealth group as with a partial League of Nations, we would be ready to recommend, negotiate and take the responsibility for. If we had an assurance of entry as a nation as a whole into such an association this would secure for it the allegiance of the present dissenting minority. Treaties for free intertrade, mutual limitation of armaments, agreements facilitating air, railway and other communications can be effected, and no obstable would be placed in the way of smooth commercial intercourse, essential to both islands. All treaties and agreements would have to be ratified firstly by the national legislature, and subsequently by the Irish people under circumstances of free decision, from which mintary compulsion would be absent. We are prepared to leave the question of Ireland’s liability for her share of the present debt to the United Kingdom to a board of arbitrators —one appointed by Ireland, one by Britain and a third to be chosen by agreement, or in default to be nominated, say, by the American President. Regarding the question at issue between the political minority and the great majority of the Irish people, that must remain a question for the Irish people themselves to settle. We cannot admit the right of the British Government to mutilate our country either in their own interests or at the call of any section of our population. We do not contemplate the use of force. If your Government stands aside, we can effect a complete reconcilliation. Wp are willing that this question, too, should fee-submitted to external arbitration. We are ready to meet you in all reasonable and jiftt responsibility for initiating and effecting an honourable peace, which rests primarily on your Government. We have no conditions to impose and no claims but one that we be free from aggression.