Preferential Tariffs.

Timaru Herald, Volume LXXIX, Issue 12111, 4 July 1903, Page 1 (Supplement)

Preferential Tariffs.

, MR ./CHAMBERLAINS speech. : - ■ The following 1 is the portion of Mr ICham;berlain's famous speech' of. /May/'lsth;-: in which he started-thedisCussion o'fi Imperial' preferential tariffs:— •_■'-'■■ > ;1 f. The feeling of Imperial patriotism was checked for a generation by the apathy and the indifference which were the characteristics of our former relations withiour colonies, but it was never"extinguished. The embers, were still 1 alight, and when in the late war this old country "of ours showed that it was still possessed by the spirit of our ancestors—showed' that it was still prepared to count' ho ; sacrifice''that was inecessary in order to lnain tain .the. honour .and the interests of the "Empire was to its -then yqu found a response from your,,brethren., your children, across the seas, such as has.:mot been, known before, that astonished the world by an undeniable proof of affection and regard. I have said, that that was a new .chapter,, the beginning 'of it new/era.' Is it-'to-end there? ("No.") Are- we, to sink that with the old policy of selfish isolation which went very far to dry and even to sap the loyalty of our colonial brethren? I flo.not think so., I think these larger issues have awakened us to the enormous importance of a creative time like the present, taking advantage of the opportunity thati vras o/ered in,order to make permanent that which has begun so 1 well. Remember are an old country; we proceed here upon settled lines, and that is the result of centuries'of'constitutional progress and free-, dqm; but the Empire is not old, the Evn-/ jjire is in '.its "infancy. ! Now is the time whenwe can mould that -Empiref 'arid when.. we. and those who live with us'can decide its; future destinies. ; Just let,"us'/'consider, what .that Empire/is. Here in-the ] United Kingdom/there .are some 40;000,00pfof' us;', outside "there are 10,000,000. How long', , do/ you suppose that this proportion />of; popmation is going to endure?" "Bo you wish: that if' these becomVd ! 40,000,000'they;shall;still be closely, iiitimately, affectionately united to yqu, or.do, you: contemplate : "the possibility • of their beisg separated, going off each in his own j ; direction under a separate flag? The quesi'tion 'of■ --trade and : commerce is one of the greatest importance. Unless that is satisfactorily settled I for one do not believe in" a continued union of the Empire. I say it: is. the. business ,of British/statesmen, to ; ; do everything ; . .they can,, .ever. / at some present sacrifice, to " keep the trade of tie' colonies with Great Britain —(cheers)-fto increase that trade, to,promote it, even if in doing so we lesserisomeWjhat the trade with our foreign competitors. Are we doing everything at the present time/ to- direct the patriotic move-: ment which I see: not only here but through all the colonies in the right channel? That is a critical issue. In ■. my opinion the/ germs of a federal uhiop that will, make; the British Empire powerful .and ■ influenj/tial. beyond.• the dreams of; anyone :now | livings—the germs of that union /are in the : soil, but it is a tender ap<j\ delicate plant, and ■ requires careful handling. It depends upon Awhat wetdd now/ whether this great idea/is'to find fruition or, whether; we are for ever to dismiss it from our consideration, and accept, fate as one of- the dying empires of the world. =My'idea/vbf .Britiah /policy—l mean the,: policy of 'the/ United Kingdom—is that .here at ;the beginning of things,; at the t .ginning ..of ;• this .hew . we should show' our :cordial; appreciation of the first step to be taken by our ./colonies to show. tKeir solidarity with us. I admit.that the ■colonies have hitherto been, backward in their/contributions towards ;.Inrjjeriul ;de- ; , fepce. I hope .they; will ;do; better-;" but in'the" meantime they;:are doing 51 great ! deal, /and they are trying to promote .this | union -Which I regard as of so inuch inirportance in; their own way and by their I Ownmeans. And first among those means lis the offer of preferential tariffs/ ; Now that again is a new chapter in our Imperial history. And again I ask, Is it to/ end ;tnere?... My policy, which' is not to force 'our, colonies—that is hopeless, they'arfe as independent as we are—but to meet-every-thing they do. If they see a way. of drawing the Empire-together let us help thein. Mr Chamberlain referred to the action of "Canada, and proceeded :—I have considerable doubt whether the interpretation of free trade which is current among a certain limited section is the true interpretation; I am. .perfectly certain that I -am not a protectionist, but I want to find out that if the interpretation is that our only duty is to buy in the cheapest market without regard to whether we can sell. ; The policy which prevents 'i?s from offering an advantage to our colonies prevents us from defending them if they are attacked. I suppose you and I are agreed that the British Empire is one and indivisible. There is 'a German Empire. The German Empire is divided into StatesBavaria, and let us say Hanover, Saxony, and Wlirtemburg. They may deal between themselves in any way they please; as a matter of fact, they have entire free trade among themselves. We do not consider them separate; we treat the German Empire as a whole. We do not complain because one State giv.es an advantage to another' State in that Empire, and does not give it to all/the rest of the world. But in the case of Canada, Germany in-, sists upon treating Canada as. though it; were a separate country, and it has penal-; ised Canada by placing iipon Canadian ■goods in additional duty. It is not merely punishment inflicted by Germany upon Canada, but it is a threat to South Africa, to Australia, and to New Zealand; and this policy, as a policy,of dictation and interference, is justified % the belief that we are so wedded to our fiscal system that we cannot interfere.; In my mind that is placing us. in a'rather humiliating position.. It is absolutely a new situation —(cheers) — that was'never contemplated by any of those whom'we regard as the authors of free trade: What would Mf Bright, what would Mr Cobden, have said to this utate of things? I don't know, it would be .presumptuqus to imagine, but this I can say-n-MrCobdem did not hesitate to make ■ a treaty of preference and reciprocity with /France, and Mr Bright did not hesitate to approve his action,: and I cannot believe if tiiey had been present among, us how and known what this hew situation was that they would have hesitated to make a treaty of preference and reciprocity with out'own children. You want an empire. Do you think it better to cultivate the Itrade with your, own people, or to let -.that go in order that you may keep the 'trade of those who rightly enough are your /competitors and rivals? / I say it is a new .position', and the people of ' this Empire have got to consider it. I do--not want to hasten their decision. They have, two alternatives before them. They, may-main-tain, if they like, in all its' severity the interpretation—in my mind an entirely artificial and wrong interpretation—which has been placed upon the doctrines of free .trade by a. small remnant of Little Engenders in the Manchester School, who now profess to be the sole repositories of the doctrines of Mr Cobden and Mr Bright—they may maintain that policy in all it? severity, although it is repudiated by every other nation, and by all your own colonies. In that case they will be absolutely precluded either from giving any kind of preference or favour to any of their colonics The second alternative is we should insis* that we will not be bound in any purely I technical definition of free trade, that we 1 will recover our freedom, resume that power of negotiation and if necessary retaliation

—(loud cheers)—whenever our own interests or our relations between our colonies and ourselves are threatened by other people. I leave the matter in your hands. I defire that a discussion on this subject should be opened. The time has not yet come 'to settle it, but it seems to me that, for good or for evil, this is an issue much greater in its consequences than any of our local disputes. Make a mistake in legislation, it can be corrected; make a mistake in your Imperial policy it is irretrievable. You have an opportunity; you will never have it again. For my own part, I believe in a British Empire; in an Empire which, although it should be its first duty to cultivate friendship- with all the nations of the world, should yet, even if alone, be self-sustaining and self-sufficient able to maintain itself against the competition of all its rivals. And Ido not believe in a Little England, which shall be separated from all those to whom it would, in'the natural course, look for support and affection—a Little England which would then be dependent absolutely on the mercy of those who envy its present prosperity, and who have shown they are ready to do all in their power to prevent its future union with the British races throughout the world. (Loud and continued