PROBLEMS FACING INDIA

Taranaki Daily News, 23 November 1932, Page 3

PROBLEMS FACING INDIA

ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE REPRODUCTION BY THE Y.W.C.A. WEEK OF WORLD FELLOWSHIP, In continuation of the week of world fellowship the New Plymouth branch of the Y.W.C.A., which is considering the different continents of the world in turn, yesterday considered the problems of India, China and Japan. The day’s proceedings took the form of an address by Miss Doris Gavin, national general secretary of the Y.W.C.A. student movement in India, on “Indian women in a changing world” at a business women’s tea, and later of a three-fold function in the association’s hall. Miss A. Drew delivered an address on the Sino-Japan-ese situation, the Y.W.C.A. members staged a reproduction of the 1931 session of the Indian Round-Table Conference, and Miss Gavin commented on the Indian situation at present. Nearly 80 attended the tea, at which Miss M. Greenwell, secretary of the New Plymouth branch, presided. Miss Greenwell introduced Miss Gavin and explained the significance of the week of world fellowship and world’s week of prayer. Miss Gavin dealt comprehensively with the position of women in the life of India to-day, emphasising the change that had resulted in recent years and the Indian woman’s progress in the educational world. Miss Drew outlined the work of the Y.W.C.A. in China, with special reference to the Sino-Japanese situation. The organisation had existed in China for a quarter of a century, had associations in 14 cities and three rural centres, and had 90 schools. It forged international links, and in national , emergencies such as the occupation of Shanghai was not found wanting, though it was immediately almost without funds. Miss Drew outlined the policy of the Chinese Y.W.C.A. in protesting against the Japanese occupation of Manchuria, and explained the nature of the three parties in Japanese politics. She urged all to extend their co-operation and sympathy towards the Y.W.C.A. of China in its great hour of need. CONFERENCE REPRODUCED. For the reproduction of the conference the girls were seated about the conference table, one representing Mr. Ramsay MacDonald being at the head, and one representing Mr. Gandhi opposite at the other end. Only the more important delegates could be represented, and only the main outlines of their speeches could be delivered. But the excerpts were well chosen and were so well pieced together that argument followed argument logically up to the final day of the session, when the British Government’s message was delivered and the delegates farewelled. Other delegates represented were Lord Sankey, Sir A. P. Patro, Sir Abdul Quaiyum, who presented the frontier problems of franchise, Sir Cowasji Jehangir, Dr. Narendra Nath Law (Bengal), the Nawab of Bhopal, who advocated an all-India federation, Mr. Fazl-ul-huq, a Mohammedan who deprecated separate electorates, Mr. Giri (British India), Mr. Broodh, who advocated Dominion status, Lord Reading, Mrs. Naidu, who represented the women of India, Mr. Moonje, Rao Bahadur Srinavasan and Dr. Ambedkar, who upheld the rights of the depressed classes, Dr. S. K. Datto (Indian Christian) and Mr. Sastri, who in a final speech appealed to the honour of the British Government.

Miss Gavin, before making a brief comment on the conference, congratulated the girls on their reading and explained that what had been read was only a small selection from the speeches of the conference—a selection which it was difficult to make and keep at the same time the logical consequence. Sir Abdul Quaiyum, Miss Gavin said, made an impassioned appeal for the NorthWest Province. Most of what he asked for had since been granted, and now the frontier had been made a governor’s province.. The minorities committee failed to come to an agreement on the question of representation of minority communities. Though the Government of Britain was reluctant Mr. MacDonald promised it would make an announcement on the question. That was done in July or August of this year and was known as the communal award. It made a considerable stir in India, and there was considerable dissatisfaction expressed, though the fairest minded Indians realised the Government had done what it could. ■ ' ' NEEDS OF THE DEPRESSED. The British Government sought to meet the needs of the depressed classes, whose leaders did not trust the leaders of the caste classes. The award provided for special electorates for the depressed classes and for the reservation of seats. This was to apply for only 20 years', however, with the view that in that time the depressed classes would become equal members . with the Hindu community. After the award was made Mr. Gandhi objected specially to the clause dealing with the depressed classes. He claimed it was unsatisfactory, and unless an alteration was made he would fast. But Mr. Gandhi had no intention of working against the depressed classes, Miss Gavin emphasised. He had always identified himself with their cause. He wanted them to come into their full manhood, which he believed the clause would hinder, and he thought he was helping them in doing what he did. He was really sincere in his advocacy of the cause of the untouchables. To show how keenly he felt and how sincere he was he took them into his family. The remarkable thing was that though no agreement could be reached on the subject of caste and outcast when the delegates were gathered in London, castes and outcasts

readily came together and reached an agreement in India. That fact showed the respect in which Mr. Gandhi was held in India, and the influence he wielded over Hindu India. Whether the agreement would be only temporary or not remained to be seen, Miss Gavin eluded, but the fact remained that / through Mr. Gandhi an agreement was reached, and never before had caste and outcast come so readily together as they were in India to-day, according to very recent letters she had received from friends there. . Mr. T. C. List, in moving a vote of thanks to Miss Greenwell and the members, said that from the round-table deliberations and from Miss Gavin’s references they had an insight into the problems of India they had never had before. One particular phase ought to be amphasised, he thought. That was the difficulty before the British Government in finding a solution for the problem. Great Britain, particularly in recent ; years, had been most desirous of finding a solution for the many-sided problem —a problem of caste, race, religion and social status. . . . Britain showed a great and altruistic desire to do the right thing. It was no longer true that Britain gained anything by association with India or other parts of the Empire. Britain was giving, not taking, as she had been accused of by some of the agitators of India. It was difficult for anyone who had not been in India to express an opinion upon the granting of self-Government to a people so diverse as India. He was privileged to talk with Lord Bumham, vice-chair-man of the Simon Commission, who toured India for thousands of miles, and with many Anglo-Indian and Indian delegates to the Imperial Press Conference, and they provided a great education and insight into the difficulties before that country. The more one heard the more difficult the whole question seemed to be. One great fact emerged—that Britain was doing her very best for India, as she had done for many generations. We could as part of the Empire be proud to belong to a nation that showed the way in the treatment of a subject race. Indians were not in harmony with themselves. Whether self-government could be given immediately was a question. A people could not undertake selfgovernment until it was qualified to do so, but the British Government said it was there to help.