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BRITONS AND BOERS

SOUTH AFRICA’S FUTURE PARADOX IN HISTORY. POWER OF DUTCH ELEMENT. Johannesburg, May 27. National life in South Africa provides a paradox that is almost unique in contemporary political history. . Three Dutchmen are dominating the political situation. This is curious in itself, in view of the fact that less than 30 years ago English blood was being poured out on the sun-baked veldt against those who were fighting for the retention of the independence of the then Boer Republics —the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. The British were the victors in that war, but to-day the conqueror’s influence in the whole of the Union of South Africa is almost secondrate from a political point of view. If one were to judge from the statements made by platform politicians republicanism is dead, while any hint that racialism permeates the political field is decried; but we who live in the country, whether we be Dutch or British, or the descendants of a mixture of both, know that republicanism and racialism are still alive like a fiery spirit in the soul of the people.

The three Dutchmen who are dominating South African affairs to-day are General J. C. Smuts, General J. B. M. Hertzog —the present Prime Minister—• and Mr. J. 11. Hofmeyr, ex-Administra-tor of the Province of the Transvaal. Standing head and shoulders above the other two is General J. C. Smuts, whose profundity is recognised throughout the British world and beyond it. One of the great sponsors of the League of Nations, General Smuts may be said to possess statesman-like qualities of a very high order and every Britisher in the Union has a profound regard for him and has accepted him as their leader.

HERTZOG’S FORMIDABLE BID.

General Hertzog is making a formidable bid for the Englishman’s sympathy by dropping from his creed all advocacy of secession. A question that is exercising the mind of the Englishman, however, is whether General Hertzog is not in fact turning South Africa in the mould of his own desires by a subtle process of peaceful penetration. To begin with, the Dutch-speaking element of the land is in control of the governing ropes and the influence of this fact is felt through the Civil Service. In spite of denials from every public platform the gradual introduction of an overwhelming majority of Afrikanders into that service is proceeding apace. It is frequently stated that the number of English-speaking men and women in the service is as great as ever it was. That may be true, but there is a “but” in the proposition. The English-speaking are not English-born. The argument is a glib one, but it does not expose the fact that the English-speaking people who to-day are taken into the railway service, into the post office and Government departments and into the many other branches of the national service

are those who are bilingual and whose association with South Africa is lifelong. Among them the great number hold very similar nationalist views to those held by General Hertzog and his party. The same applies to the police force, which is predominantly Afrikander to-day. This peaceful penetration is giving to the Dutch-speaking element far more than they could ever have hoped to obtain had they been successful in the war again Britain.

PRIME MINISTER’S FOLLpWERS.

Certain of General Ilertzog’s followers do not enjoy the same subtlety of mind as their leader. There is no beating about the bush with them. They are strai'ghtout in favour of the complete break from the British Empire, and they do not hide their light under a bushel when it comes to expressing their hatred for the English, They are a worry to General Hertzog, who has, however, despite their goading, chosen the more cunning methods of packing the Civil Service and all" Government departments.

The major problem in South Africa today is the black fear complex. The argument behind General Ilertzog’s native Bills, which are designed to settle the native problem once and for all, is the fear that within 40 years the black vote will dominate the Union, and the white man will have to quit the country. That it is the intention of General Smuts to extend the franchise to the coloured and native races is being used forcibly as a political assegai with which to stab General Smuts, whereas no such intention exists in the mind or policy of the Leader of the South African Party. . His great aim is to see that the many injustices under which the native to-day is suffering are removed, but not by the process of indiscriminately giving to him supreme political control. And again, the student is driven to seek the underlying processes which are at work in the ranks of the Nationalists to undermine the power of General Smuts in South Africa.

GENERAL SMUTS’ IMPERIALISM.

General Smuts stands for the forward movement in South Africa side by side with the British nation. He sees the benefits of the English markets and the generous treatment the British people have meted out to the Union. This Imperial strain in General Smuts’ make-up is not to the liking of the Dutch-speak-ing side of the country, and his onetime amalgamation with the Unionist Party is used to demonstrate how completely he has been assimilated by the English-speaking element. This is his great sin.

Among these complexities of South African political life, there are still many points of contact outstanding between the two races. It is here that a third Dutchman, or Afrikander, steps into, the limelight of African national affairs. This is Mr. J. H. Hofmeyr, who spent, some time in England after relinquishing his post as Administrator of the Transvaal. Toward him young South Africa is lobking for a lead that will bring the present political parties into the melting pot, and by a process of reorientation produce some kind of a middle party from which General Smuts and General Hertzog will bo eliminated, and old antagonisms can be reconciled. That the country is getting ripe for. some such drastic change in its political garb is apparent, the more so because the Eng-lish-speaking.people.are ready with open

arms to welcome another Dutch-speak-ing leader at the helm of State. - Mr. Hofmeyr’s political creeds are as yet something of a mystery. All parties in the Union have been waiting patiently to see which side of the political fence he intends to come down on. His able reviews of South African affairs in

his many speeches in England have not yet solved this enigma. In fact, any honest attempt to formulate a programme for the future development of the Union must inevitably incorporate many of the fundamental planks of all three parties at present operating. Perhaps, therefore, this “brilliant . young man,” born with an enviable gift of oratory, may yet be the solution of the difficulties, and with him amy come a genuine equalisation of the rights of all classes that make up the population of South Africa.—New Zealand Herald j correspondent. Important accessories of the season’s ■ fashions:; On the right is a “matching: set,” comprising scarf, bag, hat, belt and j handkerchief in shades of grey and red. On the left is the newest scarf and a turban notion, carried out in black and white spotted silk. Then there are shoes to match the pochette of golden-beige leather handed in black; and belt, necklace, bracelet and posy of turquoise beads and rhinestones.

For an informal evening party you might choose a pretty sleeveless tunic in pale grey chiffon studded lightly with small steel beads and edged with silver braid. Worn over a grey crepe romaine skirt, it would look really charming. This interesting jumper-suit is materialised in one of the new woollen mixtures which have a fascinating crepey effect. On the biscuit-coloured grc < \ are introduced wide bands of the same material in black and scarlet, with the result that a most unusual and attractive colour-scheme is achieved. Blue crepe-romaine is an excellent medium in which to express a useful day-time frock to do service for various occasions. The sloping kilted frills which compose the skirt are repeated on the bodice in the form of a charming little bolero arrangement, and in sleeve ruffles.

Cedar brown tweed makes an excellent little suit. The skirt is flat-pleated at front and sides; the coat is quite short and finished with a scarf collar, while the jumper is in cedar brown heavy crepe trimmed with narrow zig-zag bands of the tweed. Loosely-woven tweed in. heather colourings is used for the skirt and coat of this practical ensemble, the jumper blouse being in banana yellow Milanese.

Suitable alike for travelling and for wear during wet weather is the capecoat of beech-nut brown and beige tweed, with revers and belt of beechbrown leather. The little cap is in beige leather with an applied beeachbrown motif in front.

A very charming rest-gown in coral pink crepe de chine is made on wrap coat lines, with revers, and a cape at the back. Cape, sleeves and hem are edged with ecru lace.

The printed chiffon frock for evening wear is kept free of trimmings. Here is a model, in oyster colour, patterned in blue and orange, with the deeply flounced skirt fashioned on slanting lines to secure the slim silhouette. For morning wear is this trim frock of fine navy serge, with cream cloth collar, and bands of cream cloth on skirt and sleeves braided with narrow black braid.

Permanent link to this item

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Bibliographic details

Taranaki Daily News, 11 July 1929, Page 9

Word Count
1,579

BRITONS AND BOERS Taranaki Daily News, 11 July 1929, Page 9

BRITONS AND BOERS Taranaki Daily News, 11 July 1929, Page 9

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