The Sun THURSDAY, AUGUST 12, 1920. ALLIES' POLISH POLICY.

Sun (Christchurch), Volume VII, Issue 2026, 12 August 1920, Page 18 (Supplement)

The Sun THURSDAY, AUGUST 12, 1920. ALLIES' POLISH POLICY.

Mi* Lloyd George has outlinecVthe policy of the Allies in regard to the Polish situation. It is a straightforward statement which clears the air very considerably. The British Prime Minister condemned the 1 Polish excursion into Russia, but, at the same time, he laid jt down that the Soviet must respect the independence of Poland. It is reassuring to know that the Allies do not intend to send troops to assist Poland, even should the Bolsheviks impose terms which would menace the Polish national freedom of existence. If the worst comes to the worst, the Allies will lend their stricken protege military advice and guidance and answer a stranglehold on Poland by an economic countergrip on the Soviet throat. Poland's independence within the frontiers assigned by the Versailles Treaty is to be maintained and respected. The armistice terms submitted by the Russians at Minsk suggest that there is no present intention on the part of the victors to bind Poland hand and foot. THe Poles regard the disarmament demand impossible, on the ground that it would mean placing the country at the mercy of the Bolsheviks. But the disillusioned Poles cannot fairly complain. They did not start the argument, but they did use preliminary bickerings between Pilsudski and Trotzky as a pretext for an unwarrantable attack on Soviet territory. That attack Tailed ignominiously after an auspicious beginning, and now that she is beaten and asked to cut down her forces and demobilise forthwith both her armies and war industries, Poland protests. She cannot hope for much sympathy. On paper, the terms look workmanlike and as reasonable as could be expected in the circumstances. And as Lloyd George agrees with the Soviet that it is entitled to deal with Poland direct, the way is opened for the peace negotiations. In concluding his statement, the Prime Minister declared that if the Bolshevik Government really desired peace it could get it. On the other hand, if it was out to use Poland as a stepping-off stone for future operations, Sovietism would fail. It is probable that that warning will have the effect intended. Russia is anxious to be admitted into the comity of nations on a regular basis. She wishes to restore trading relations, especially with Britain. Evidence supporting that theory is the presence of the Russian trade delegates in London. Lloyd George has recognised the mutual advantage which will result from such an arrangement, though he has been holly assailed in some quarters for taking up,that attitude. Europe sorely needs Russia's grain, butter, oil, timber and Uax. Britain wants her troubles in the Middle East composed as early as possible. In those regions Bolshevism is a veritable thorn in the Imperial side. It is essential to Britain's peace of mind east of Suez that an understanding with the authors of intrigue should be completed. It seems as necessary as it is inevitable. Apparently Mr Asquith has other ideas on the subject. His criticism of the Prime Minister's explanation was, however, thin and unimpressive. He had nothing of any importance to say: The gist of his observations redds as though the veteran, but now somewhat discredited, Liberal champion felt that he had to justify his position as Lloyd George's challenger, and chose the way of the purely captious critic. The War and its aftermath have found Mr Asquith out just as they have enhanced the Prime Minister's prestige. The torch-bearer of Liberalism stumbles in his hacks, and the flame grows feeble and more feeble. [The above article was in type when word arrived that France had decided to recognise the Government of Southern Russia. This action will seriously complicate the whole situation.]