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AUSTRALIA TO-DAY

(From Our Own Correspondent.) " SECTION NINE COURTS "

Yefc another class of court has been welded to the plenitude which already occupy She buildings of Australia's departments of usticc. Each is presided over by two justices of the peace, and they are constituted under section 9 of tho Military Service Referendum Act.

While the referendum was being taken, the electoral officers were entitled to placo the votes of any .persons whom they suspected of disloyalty, or whose names were reminiscent of the Teuton, in a separate ballot box, and, before they were added to the total, the voters had to appear before a tribunal constituted as described, and prove that they were not disloyal. The not : cc served on the voter summoned him or her before the court to show cause why -the vote should not be "rejected on the ground that vou are disloyal." Some of the electoral officers exercised discretion,* and there was littlo friction. Some, whose judgment was not so well clevoloped as their zeal, have piled up a mountain of trouble. In consequence, the notice suggesting disloyalty has hoen served upon scores of perfectly reputable people, and their fury and indignation know on bounds. These courts are not yet in operation everywhere, and the proceedings in most instances are in private, so the public is missing a little entertainment. One of the first courts set up was in South Brisbane, and it was soon obvious that the electoral officials had made some mistakes. _ Two instances will serve. '" I was born in Brisbane," said one man. " My father and mother were Scotch. My name is Scotch. Why am I accused of disloyalty?" "Your case will be considered" was the sterotypecl answer of the court, and the man departed, fuming. Two people with Geraian names were disposed of satisfactorily, and then a large aggressive lady came forward. "Where were your parents born?" she was aiked. "Both in Oireiand" was the reply. "Where were you born." "Dublin." The court deliberated. "Where was your husband born " then mildly asked the presiding justice. "In Oireiand," said the lady, and then, goaded beyond endurance, burst out: " And, sure, do I look like a German, now? What are yez bringing, me here for, annyway?" "I certainly cannot understand why her vote was impounded," said one of the justices, plain lively, when tho indignant lady had made a somewhat noisy departure. "THE KING" AND MR HUGHES. One of the most amusing episodes of the recent upheaval in Federal politics was the •struggle between Mr Hughes and Mr King O'Malley, the quaint gentleman, late of America, who is universally and popularly known as "Tho King." Mr O'Malley loved his position as Minister of Home Affairs almost as warmfc- as he disliked Mr Hughes, and the distress and disgust with which he viewed the approach of tho moment when lie must make his choice between them were funny, if a little pathetic. He took no part in the referendum, and, when tho voting was over, he begged his "Christian brothers"—Mr O'Malley calls every man "my Christian brother"-ij:to forget their quarrel and get' on with J tho business of Government. All the anti-Hughes Ministers had resigned before Mr O'Malley saw tho writing on the wall; and he. apparently, resolved to use his power to tho utmost before he was forced to abandon it. Charges of extravagance and bad administration generally had been levelled against the officials connected with tho building of a Federal railway, and Mr O'Malley decided that they must be investigated by a commission. Jn such circumstances the Prime Minister must be consulted, but Mr O'Malley ignored Mr Hughes, and announced through the newspapers that a prominent Victorian State official had agreed to accept appointment as commissioner. Mr Hughes i.oted promptly unci drastically. He interviewed the official in question, and the latter then announced that he could not accept Mr O'Malley's authority to act. The strugsrlo between the two Ministers continued within tho privacy of the departments, but Mr O'Malley was finally routed. A day of two later a now Ministry was formed. Then it was discovered that, before dropping out of power, Mr O'Malley had issued about 60 gold passes, entitling tho holders to ride free during their lives on the commonwealth railways. (Most of the Federal railways have yet to be built. The States own most of tho system at present.) The retiring Minister's generosity was extended to all past and present Federal Ministers and Speakers, the Secretary of the Home Affairs Department, the Engincer-in-chief of the commonwealth railways, and. of course, Mr O'Malley himself. It is understood that a number of those to whom the passes were offered have declined to accept them. ASHAMED OF " NO." There is little doubt that tho "No" pronounced by Australia in tho conscription referendum is regarded by the outside world as a mark of Australian dishonour. Yet that is scarcely fair to tho Australian people. Over ono million people voted " No," but the people who voted " Yes "-

were also more than a million. The "No" majority is represented by the comparatively small majority of about 50,000. And ono of the most unfortunate features of the whole unfortunate business is the distress of the people who, hating conscription. yet voted for it as a national and Imperial necessity. They naturally feel chagrin that the side which included pro-Germans, I.W.W. men, shirkers. and disloyalists generally should have obtained Victory by so small a margin ; but their distress really lies in the fact that they feel that their country has been put to shame before the world." Events will show that Australia has not ''quitted," that her troops will continue to take an effective part in the war. But, to-day, nations elsewhere simply see tho ono big fact—that wealthy, ease-loving Australia has refused point-blank to make tho sacrifices by which the other members of the Entente are being cnoblcd. Only those who are in Australia can appreciate the bitterness with which the bctter-claes Australian has received this knowledge, and tho anger and boundless contempt with which ho regards the class responsible for this state of affairs. There is a _ feeling, growing rapidly towards act : on since the referendum disclosure, that the dangerous and contaminating spirit of disloyalty now associated with the extreme Labour sections must be either finally killed_ or definitely limited in its operations. This mav involve a struggle with organised Labour. Organised Labour is notoriously blind to everything except, its pettv pol!t : cs and immediate desires; it is as incapable of seeing its connection with world politics, on the one hand, as it is of discerning, on tho other, the sinister influences at work in its own ranks. Already, in public, men have expressed regret for the "No" vote they cast in tho heat of passion of polling day. Privately, one hears of manv persons who, seeing the finger of scorn pointed at their country, and learning of the iubilation of open disloyalists, are frankly and honestly ashamed of their ballot paper. All of which goes to emphasise the unwisdom of submitt'ng such an issue to a popular referendum. SYDNEY, November 29.

The Federal Parliament is just commencing what promises to be a lengthy season, and within a few days the manner in which Mr Hughes with his off-shoot minority from the Labour Party proposes to carry on the Government, may become more plain. Mx Hughes leads tho third, and by fax the smallest party in the House. Obviously, he cannot carry on without the Liberals or tho Labourites; just as obviously, the Labour Party, already passionately eager to end his political career, will give him no help. But he can look more hopefully to Mr Cook auid the Liberals. Wnile it is plain that there is no alliance between the Hughes- party and tho Liberals, it is apparent that the latter are prepared to exercise a benevolent neutrality. Mr Hughes's recent announcement that the harsh edges aie to be planed from the new war taxation, published in Mr Higgs's Budget a few weeks ago, is evidently intended to keep the Liberal Party in a good humour; p.nd both Mr Hughes and Mr Cook, 'who have been in consultation, suggest that Mr Hughes's immediate programme will contain nothing offensive to the Liberals. It will be a "lively" session. The Political Labour T eague members, led by exMinister Tudor, will almost certainly try to obtain a dissolution, and it is difficult to see how they can fail. With the help of Mr Cook, Mr Hughes will survive, in the House, the inevitable early motion of noconfidence; but he has a considerable majority against him in the Sienate. The Senators, left to themselves, might decide that an election would be against their test interests. (Only New South Wales gave a pronounced • majority against conscription and Mr Hughes. The other States, which are represented equally in the Senate, might, and probably would, support Mr Hughes.) But a majority of Senators are under the dictation of tho P.L.L., and that ruthless institution professes to be avidly eager for an an appeal to the electors. Mr Hughes is expected to make immediately an announcement about recruiting. There is to be no conscription, but there are five divisions of Australians abroad, with reserves and details, all calling for reinforcements. There are known to be fi Ily 100.000 eligible, single men in tho country ;

about 185,000 have registered. It is expected that a recruiting scheme of great vigour will bo launched, which will include the formation of recruiting committees, to supervise small, closely surveyed districts, and a direct, personal appeal to every man on the register. In other words, everything short of absolute compulsion will be rcSbrted to.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/OW19161213.2.57

Bibliographic details

Otago Witness, Issue 3274, 13 December 1916, Page 24

Word Count
1,615

AUSTRALIA TO-DAY Otago Witness, Issue 3274, 13 December 1916, Page 24

AUSTRALIA TO-DAY Otago Witness, Issue 3274, 13 December 1916, Page 24

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