PATER'S CHATS WITH THE BOYS.

Otago Witness, Issue 3274, 13 December 1916, Page 59

PATER'S CHATS WITH THE BOYS.

VENIZELOS, THE CRETAN DELIVERER,

Events, though not in battle, are crowding in upon us. I am not going to talk politics, but I can be allowed to say that the Home Government has been lacking in decision, and in all cases, as far as we can see, we have allowed the enemy the initiative. Perhaps one of these weeks I'll run out a comparison between Asquith's Ministry and one or two which have come down in history as illustrations of what has happened in our history when men of theory and the nice balancing of one point with another have had to give way to men of action who keep one object in view, everything else being subordinated.

One of the men of action to-day is Eleftherios Venizelos, the Cretan, who, in his clear-cut, honest patriotism, has antagonised "Tino," who, in turn, seems to be wandering in devious paths, in striking contrast to the whole-hearted straightforward man Avho, though in opposition, is intensely loyal not only to his country but to his sovereign, whom he wishes to keep in the paths of rectitude. HIS BIRTH. His father was a rich merchant, whose wife was in delicate health, and had lost her three former children at their birth. Venizelos was the fourth, and, wishing for a safe delivery, "her relatives, with the credulity of the Orientals, had advised her to call in the assistance of religious men renowned throughout the country for their supernatural power. Two were Moliammedan hodjas and two Greek priests," and we are told that for two days and nights they prayed ceaselessly, all' "in different tongues, that the child about to be born should have long life." At dawn on the third day Venizelos was born, and to-day he is in the public eye as much perhaps as Constantine, but with a greater reputation for purity of motive and purpose. To-day the Cretan is mentally in the. prime of life, for he is only 52 years of age. His father before him was a Unionist—that is, he worked to free Crete from Turkish rule and bring it under the Greek flag. After the revolution of 1866 he went into exile, but returned in 1872 after an amnesty had been proclaimed. So Venizelos Junior was brought up in a revolutionary atmosphere, and he is still in it. As a boy he showed what his future was to be. He was a brilliant student, always leading his class, and his masterful manner always dominated other lads. After his school days were over his father planned that he should take up a business career, with the intention that he should eventually succeed him, in which ease Greece would have List a great statesman.

It was the Greek Consul-general at Oanea who recognised the lad's abilities, and ha said in affect t-o Venizelos Senior: " It is a great mistake to condemn your son to an obscure commercial existence 5 you arc depriving your country of a useful defender. Believe me, let nim study;

ho has tho making of an admirable lawyer." The result was that he passed on to the Athens University, and, after a brilliant career, returned as a lawyer in 1886, and soon worked up a large connection. He had no sooner returned than he entered the hurly-burly of politics in the following year, being then only 23 years of age.

A LITTLE CRETAN HISTORY. Between 1830 (from 1830 to 1840 Crete was underheld by Mehemet AH of Egypt) and 1908 Crete had had 14 insurrections against the sovereignty or suzerainty of Turkey (there's a difference between the meaning of the- two words, but I cannot go into that just now), and out of this state of things Vonizelos was destined to evolve order and make such a name for himself as to be called upon to transfer himself to the larger sphere of action in Greece, where his abilities could be measured against those of some of the acutest and most unscrupulous schemers in European politics. Though having rapidly built up a large practice, he immediately allied himself with the Liberals, known as the Barefoot party, in contrast to the Conservative or wealthy section. " His entry into the Chamber was a triumph ; he brought to it burning zeal, new ideas, unknown principles. For centuries past Crete had lived beneath a • terrible yoke, in perpetual revolt against her oppressors. The intense feeling generated by the struggle for independence meant that any Opposition, as we know it, had to eliminated; and the Liberal party, having won the election, wished to throw out the seven or eight members of the Opposition, as had been the custom; but this young man said: "."No. A party should not lie founded .:olely on numerical strength, for it also needs moral principles, without which it cannot do useful work or inspire confidence." This profession of faith was to' form the basis of his subsequent policy both in Crete and Greece. Shortly afterwards he denounced one of his political friends who had filled three lucra five posts by favouritism. These and similar actions convinced all that he had strength of character, iron will, courage, and an adventurous spirit, and " increased his ascendancy over this assembly of veteran heroes, who were more accustomed to antagonism and warfare than to the refinements of justice." CONSERVATIVES AS TRAITORS.

In Crete, in Greece, in Rumania, Belgium.. Holland, and Denmark, in Russia, Poland, and even in Britain, there are strong parties who are always against extending any -power to the people, and in the present great war Ave find that an influential grouping in favour of Germany is made up of Conservatives—this does not apply to Britain, where Conservatives as a rule are Empire Builders—the military, the mercantile, and the University classes, and this influence exists in Greece. It also existed hi Crete, where many put power and money before patriotism. The Turks to prevent the Cretans from getting annexed to Greece by incessant intrigues involved the Cretans in political struggles provoking internal dissension. Besides, many were jealous of the rapid rise of Vemzelos. Serious disorder arose; there were even assassinations which could not be repressed owing, to the total absence of police. This anarchy, of course, gave the Porte the opportunity they wanted to intervene, and " 40,000 men disembarked at Crete, and repression began, bloody and atrocious." Even this did not shake the inertia of the European Chancellories —this was in 1889 —and the Cretans found that they were set back to before 1878 when the Treaty of Berlin had given them some redress. In 1895, another revolution broke out. when the Powers made a feeble attempt to get Turkey to grant pressing reforms. " The only step taker, by the Porte was to send more armed forces to Crete. The Mussulmans of Crete (the Turco-Cretans), who naturally hate the Greek element on the island, were thus emboldened, and joining forces with the soldiers, they set to work to terrorise the country. They began to fire tho villages and to assassinate the Christians. . . . Tho fanaticism of the Mussulmans awoke, and the whole island was put to the sword." In 1897, massacres again took place: "On February 4, the Christian quarter of Canea was set on fire, and the Consuls had to seek refuge on board the warships in the harbour. The whole town was put to fire and sword, and the Cretans, driven to despair, proclaimed their union with Greece."

Then Greek troops were landed, and the Greek flag was hoisted. The Great Powers were now to some extent aroused from their lethargy, and the patriots' camp was bombarded, the Cretan flag being the main object of attack. It was brought down and hoisted again. "The firing began again, riddling the flag and tearing it to pfeces; the sacred standard fell, covering with its tatters the valiant Cretans who had dared to defv Europe." In all this Venizelos took an active part, and eventually the Cretans were freed from Turkish bondage. In 1898, Grea-t Britain, Russia,. France, and Italy placed Crete under a High Commissioner, making it and neighbouring islands autonomous subject to a suzerainty to Turkey, but paying no tribute. In 1908 Crete declared its annexation to Greece; but it was not ratified by the Powers; but in 1912 Cretan deputies * were admitted to the Greek Parliament. Then came- the Balkan wars, and the Treaty which, in November, 1913, handed over the island to Greece. In the following month the annexation was recognised by the Powers. In all this Venizelos played an important part. Next week I'll trace his subsequent career.