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ENGLAND AND GERMANY

A REMARKABLE INTERVIEW

LORD HALDANE’S MISSION,

(From Our Own Correspondent.)

LONDON, April 13

The London correspondent of 'the Chicago Daily News has obtained from Lord Haldane a statement which is at once the most interesting and the most comprehensive which any member of the Government has made since the war began. The portion which deals with the dcmocratisation of the German Government is a necessary corrective to the popular opinion that the Allies will or can force a now form of government on the German nation.

“ We ask you in America,” says the Lord Chancellor, “all, whether for or against us, heirs of the early straggles of our race, to realise that when we say we are fighting for life we use no figure of speech. We are fighting for life, and we ask for forebaranco of America while wo prosecute the struggle. It we appear in a wholly new situation to go beyond some of the rules of the books we shall not violate the dictates of humanity, and shall not turn hack the clock of civilisation. What we want to do is to spat e neutrals all possible inconvenience and injury—spare them crews, ships, and cargoes,—and still throw the last ounce of our naval strength into the effort to break the system that despotism has set in operation against the happiness and prosperity of the world. “We do not assert any right to ask America to come into this war. We have not a doubt that America would be a most formidable factor m any war in which it might engage. But wo do not claim that your country should throw its sword into the scale on our behalf. We ask no nation to do this. Such a question as that of peace or war we think should be decided by every nation with sole reference to its own view of its duty and needs.” HIS MISSION TO GERMANY. Lord Haldane spoke most interestingly of his much-criticised visit to Germany in 1912. Anglo-German relations were at last improving, and it was with the object of maintaining and accelerating the improvement that ho went to Berlin on behalf of the Government in February, 1912. He conferred with Bcthmann-Hollweg, the Kaiser, and mam important men. “ Gratifying as were these interchanges, I came away feeling uneasy. Germany was piling up armaments. She showed no disposition to restrict her naval development. In past years I think the Kaiser undoubtedly opposed war. But I am afraid his opposition to it gradually weakened. He appears to have settled into the war mood about two years ago. I think in the end the Kaiser was homo off his feet completely by the military party.” A HEART-TO-HEART TALK. “Germany could not possibly have feared an attack by England and her Allies. Certainly we had done everything in our power to obviate it. When I was in Berlin I left no doubt in the minds of the foremost men there of England’s pacific purposes and sentiments with reference to Germany. We were prepared, and we definitely told them we were prepared, to enter into the most binding agreement that in no circumstances would we be a party to any sort of aggression against Germany. Moreover, I did my utmost to make the Berlin statesmen understand England’s position. I disabused their minds, if unmistakable language could do it, of all doubt as to what would be England’s attitude to a violation of Belgian neutrality. If the Germans ever misunderstood me on this point, they have only themselves to thank. From what I said to Bethmann-Hollweg in so many words there ought to have been no doubt in his mind that we should regard an invasion of Belgium as something over which he could not reckon on our neutrality. I also told him that as long as Germany chose to continue her policy of formidable naval development we should lay down two keels to her one. There was absolutely no ambiguity in my conversation with the German Chancellor, and ho understood that all I said on these matters represented the view of the British Government. It was of the very essence of my friendly purpose in going to Berlin to be perfectly candid and explicit. THE PRUSSIAN SPIRIT. “ In my opinion, it was simply a ease of tho Prussian spirit temporarily gaining the ascendancy. Once it had got control, was in position to speak with the voice of authority, the rest followed naturally; for no other country so rushes after the flag as does Germany. The moment tho Government, won over to the militarist point of view, decided to put forward the claim that tho Fatherland was in danger, and that a war was necessary, all Germany responded as one man. If the war could have been averted for 20 years I have little doubt peace-loving Germany, the Germany that prizes Right above Might, would have gained final control in Berlin, and the war would not have happened.”

“ Assuming that the Allies win, will they attempt to democratise German politics?” ‘‘lt does not seem to mo tho Allies will find it easy to do this unless tho German people respond. You know, it really is impossible to impose government, from without. Government must come from within. If the Army and Navy and the men who make tho war lose their prestige, Germany will probably recover herself. How can she better do it than by effectualising her democracy? In other words, I feel that tho real Germany, which has made so profound an impression upon the- world by reason of groat qualities, will take over tho government of Geimany when the present regime has been discredited and destroyed.

“ 1 cannot help thinking that- the present w r ar should bring to a permanent end the system whereby political personages use peoples as pawns on a chessboard. I think secret diplomacy w'ill disappear. Might has sought to establish itself as the supreme law. Right is on the defensive. It is giving us some very fine examples of the best there is in human nature.

“ Nobility should be quickened. Our standard should be lifted up. We all were too luxurious. You in Chicago and New York were too luxurious. We in London were too luxurious. Berlin was too luxurious. In Paris also people had become luxurious. We shall all be made simpler by this war. We shall be made more frugal, more serious, less cynical, greater. Long years will pass before any one of us ceases to feel the effects of the struggle. “As tor democracy, it is democracy's fight—nothing else The militarist has hurled his system against Europe. It must be broken. When it is broken, a settlement should be possible conserving the political welfare of all the peoples concerned. Ereedorn for all nationalities is the ideal, and I see no reason why it should not be substantially realised.” Alter discussing the weaknesses of the German highest command and the lack of co ordination between the various departments—the Kaiser, the Army and Navy, the Chancellor, and the Foreign Minister, Lord Haldane says: “ I do not think they regarded us as very formidable. They thought our army was insignificant, our navy old-fashioned, and our nation decadent. ' I do hot think they thought we could be aroused to a tremendous national effort. I have no doubt they counted on the ccntifugal forces of our Empire working to our grave embarrassment.”

COULD WE HAVE LOOKED ON?

Asked whether England would have remained out ot the war even if Belgium had not been violated Lord Haldane replied: “I am far from sure that we could have done so. Belgium touched our honour; France touched our feelings and our interests. Having regard to the theories oc world conquest behind the successful German movement in favour of a war of aggression, it seems to me it would m\6 been madness on our part to have sat with hands folded while Germany removed the Continental obstacles in the way of her laying siege to the British Empire. In the best of circumstances we are very near the striking power of Germany. Ido not think we possibly could have permitted that striking uower to come still nearer and absorb the States nearest to us without a desperate attempt to prevent it; but the attack unon Belgium gave us no time for thought *or choice; we had to resist the violation of the treaty and the wrong done to a weaker State, or we should have been disgraced.”

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/OW19150609.2.195

Bibliographic details

Otago Witness, Issue 3195, 9 June 1915, Page 79

Word Count
1,421

ENGLAND AND GERMANY Otago Witness, Issue 3195, 9 June 1915, Page 79

ENGLAND AND GERMANY Otago Witness, Issue 3195, 9 June 1915, Page 79

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