OUR MELBOURNE LETTER

Otago Witness, Issue 2921, 9 March 1910, Page 53

OUR MELBOURNE LETTER

(From Our Own Correspondent.) MELBOURNE, February 9. Mr Deakin's speech in Ballarat on Monday night definitely opened the Federal election campaign. The extraordinary vogue of the South Street Debating Society enabled it to erect its own hall, and when it was about it it put up a building capable of holding 8000 people. This is the largest hall in Australia, and it was full to overflowing long before Mr Deakin went on the platform. There was nothing particularly striking in the speech—that is, it contained no announcements as to the future for which we were not prepared. He said h© would not attempt to review the brief history of the Federation, but thought he might say that, despite the great distances which separated our scattered communities and the conflicts of interests which arose amongst us, at least we understood each other better than we did. All of us had much to learn and not a little to unlearn during the process of oreating a commonwealth. The result was tha/t we had to-day a firmer foothold, a clearer outlook, a more assured judgment, and a deeper sense of national unity than ever before.

A source of cleavage during our history, the Prime Minister said, was what he might term without offence the Ishmaelitish policy of the Labour party. " With us," he said, "differences ana tolerated; with them differences are amputated. Outside politics they represent the same varieties and types* ; v inside politics they are obliged to wear the same suits of the same material, the 6ame pattern, the same size, and the same cut. We have the. liberty of wearing our own clothes. The Labour party has s two sides—the inside and tne outside. If you are outside an inch or a mile it is the same. The consequence is Labour isolation. Because of this the Labour party often occupies the cross benches, and lately left them in a cross temper. At this election, however, there are only two parties and only one dividing line." Referring to the Fusion party, he said it was a party associated as public men for public purposes,) specific and clear. Beyond that members were free. They were united only on the policy it was his duty to outline. In spite of the boast of the'Labour party that it would not allow an i to be dotted or a t to be crossed, the session had proved the most fruitful of the Federation. He recalled the 'measures that had been passed, and referred briefly to the only important one that had been dropped—the Inter-State Commission Bill. Referring to the necessity for the measure, he described the need that existed amongst Ministers and Parliaments everywhere for expert and accurate information aboutsocial, fiscal, and' industrial issues, saying that for those who " didn't know " in private life there was the refuge and the Insolvency Court, while in public life there was national disaster. Naturally, a good deal of the speech was devoted to a defence of the financial arrangements between the States and the Commonwealth. This had now to go to the vote of the people,. and he appealed to them to vote "Yes." It . brought the first interruption of the evening, but it was a very mild one. Immigration. _ Lord Kitchener's visit, the new protection, the unemployed, and the northern territory were all touched on, a.nd the peroration was devoted to the need of a more- hearty accord between the States and the Commonwealth. " Above all things." he concluded. " beware of those who fear a good understanding between you as Commonwealth citizens and yourselves as State citizens. You ca.n only be sought to be hoodwinked in that way for some nefarious purpose, for your interests are only one." The warning was indeed timely, at a iuneture when there is an effort being made to induce people to believe that the advocate of " State rights" is somehow an advocate of Commonwealth wrongs. A ROMANCE OF INDUSTRY. The work that has been done a.t the Powlett River coal field is likely to be used by the Socialists as an argument in. favour of their cause. Certainly it affords a fine example of what organised effort can do. When the Newcastle coal strike started, over three mouths ago, the Powlett tjasin

(which is within 90 miles of Melbourne) was a deserted swamp. The coal seams were known to exist, but nothing "had been done towards developing them. Then the Government got from Parliament authority to open a State coal mine, the coal from which was placed under the control of the Railway Department. Less than 12 weeks ago grass was broken at No. 1 shaft. Three others were put down afterwards, and now the whole area is being honeycombed with drives, and an output of 100 tons a day was aspired after at first. This was soon reached, and at the beginning of the present month 540 tons a day were being poured out, with the total still increasing. A branch line of railway to the field is being pushed on, and it is expected that by the time the line reaches the field, at the end of the month, 10.000 tons will be at grass, while over 4000 tons have already been carted to Inverloch to be sent away by the existing railway. Some 500 men are on the field, and an orderly canvas town has been created under the supervision of Government officers. The canvas is already giving place to material of a more durable nature, so that when the new general manager (Mr G. H. Broome) arrives from New Zealand he will find a busy township with nearly 1000 inhabitants where four months ago there was not a house. The coal, it may be mentioned, has been tested, and has been, proved of excellent quality, while the proved seams appear equal to millions of tons. So out of the evil of the coal strike, now happily on its last legs, has come the good of a new coal field. A PAINFUL STORY. On January 20 Mrs Buckman (wife, of James Joseph Buckman, a selector near Narribri, in the back blocks of New South Wales), drove into town and gave herself up to the police, saying that she had shot her husband. At the inquest, which was opened last week, the statement made by Mrs Buckman was read, and revealed a story of terrible misery endured b.y the woman.

"My husband used to get funny fits," she said. "On the morning of the tragedy he told me to pack him 6ome food, and I did. I told him I was going to town, and he started to jaw. I told him I wanted a horse, and he took my horse away to a paddock. He then took one of the draught horses, put it into a sulky, and went to rescue my daughter Ethel, who was surrounded by the flood waters. My uncle got my horse and I jumped on him and galloped away to where my sulky was. My husband came galloping after me, and I knew he was in one of his funny fits. I tried to race away from him, but he raced after me. I struck a tree with my shoulder and fell off, and he raced over me. He picked up a great big stick, and I said, ' For the love of God don't hammer me.' He said, ' I will.' ' I said, ' What have I done wrong? tell me. I have done

nothing; don't hammer me.' "He threw the stick down, and rode away towards the house. I struggled to my feet, caught my horse, and began to lead it home. I was then about a quarter of a mile from home. I was too sick to mount it. I had oirly gone a little way when he came galloping back. He tied his horse up, and again picked up the stick, saying, 'I came back on purpose to murder you.' I said, 'For the love of my children, don't murder me.' He said nothing, but raised the 6tiok above my head. I thought it was certain death for me. I drew a revolver, and fired at him. After I fired he dropped the stick, turned around a little way, and then fell. I caught my horse, struggled on to its back, and earn© home, and told them that he was dead, and that one of us had to die, and I could not help but fight for my life. I could not either."

I Independent evidence was given that Buckman used to ill-treat his wife. The j woman has been committed for trial on a I charge of murder.