OUR AMERICAN LETTER.

Otago Witness, Issue 1990, 14 April 1892, Page 19

OUR AMERICAN LETTER.

San Francisco, March I. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS

have bulked largely before a long-suffering public of late. Their doings and misdoings have been chronicled throughout the length and breadth of the land. Conventions have been held, prophesyings indulged in, voters appealed to, opponents cursed, leaders appointed, and the complete electoral^presidential mechanism put in order. From out the clamour and chaos of contending parties one question, without exception, ranks first and foremost — viz., Who's to manipulate the political machine ? This is the crux of the whole business. Patriots may orate, factionists may execrate, citizens may bewail that these things are so, but the fact remains that politics is a machine, and unless a party thoroughly understands how to work, grease and oil it it stands no chance. Political managers and political bosses are a power in the land. Honour, morality, scrupulous regard for the good name of your adversary are not their weak points. They cannot conceive it possible that the people, as such, can, or could, be animated by some spontaneous desire to uproot a Wrong, reject an evil liver, or uphold some great principle. Their first questions in any and all, apparent upheavals are, first, Who's behind it ? and second, What's he after ? And it must be admitted they are in many cases justified in their attitude. Apathy to public affairs is here, as elsewhere, the besetting sin of the better class of people. Upwards of 100,000, it is said, in New York State alone of duly qualified citizens abstain from taking any part in politics. The same holds true of San Francisco and elsewhere, with the result that men of the Tweed, Buckley, and Crimmins stamp reign supreme.

■ And now the air is thick with rumours. The wires are being pulled, the puppets made to dance, and the philosopher to sigh. The question of questions at this moment agitating us is concerned with the Presidential campaign of November next. Blame definitely retired from nomination. This, apart from party grounds, is to be regretted. He is, perhaps, tho only American statesman who had a European reputation, and there is no one, Republican or Democrat, who can approach him here. His election, had he consented to nomination at the Republican convention which will" be held at Minneapolis in July next, was looked upon as certain. He would have secured all the waverers and doubtful voters, and his name would have welded all the men of his own party into a solid phalanx, animated with the one aim of returniug him to power. But though it appeared, almost, like a case of having for mere asking, Blame has chosen his part and, in so choosing, has left the President's chair as a prize to be squabbled for by a host of combatants.

DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS are putting forward all sorts and conditions of men as possible candidates for the chief magistracy. Such queer names as Ignatius Donnelly, of Shakespeare-Bacon notoriety, to "Bob" Ingersoll, the chief buffon of a school of superficial aud aggressive infidelity, are to be found blended with those of Harrison, Cleveland, Carlisle, Lincoln, and other lesser known men. Harrison, now that his foreign secretary has decided not to stand, is, at present, the most probable Republican nominee, whilst Cleveland or Hill — this latter having secured a large portion of the Democratic party of New York — may possibly be the chosen one of the Democrats. At this moment, however, all is uncertain, the only exception being the very certain manner in which, and with which, one party denounces the other. "An organised objection to everything progressive," was the definition of Democracy given recently by an opponent. " A party ruled and governed by a plutocracy, honeycombed with corruption, the tool of wealthy corporations, the debaser of our monetary system, and the sworn ally of jobbers and bribers," was the somewhat freer description of the Republican party, also by an opponent, during a late convention. Meanwhile both , parties are girding on their armour. Down in Louisiana, the chairman of the Democratic Campaign Committee, has had shipped to him at New Orleans, 40 cases of Winchester rifles and 13 'boxes of cartridges, and expects more shortly. He doesn't mean anything — at least he says so— only he isn't going to be "bulldozed " or bluffed by the patriots on the other side. On the other hand, the State of Ohio .has some fair specimens of Republican management. " Here," says a certain General Boynton, "we have a lower order of political, morality and a worse organisation than either party elsewhere in the States," which is rather hard upon the Democratic chairman of New Orleans. Ohio, also, boasts a " boss " who is an illiterito saloon keeper — an owner of oue of the most notorious dives in the most notorious part of the city, familiarly known as "Dead Man's Corner," owing to the many murders committed in and about it, of a gambling house, and a department therein devoted to much viler purposes. i Such is Ohio's chief " boss." Such are the men Jbo whom the American people, the Clevelands ,and Harrisons, hand over the control of their political organisations. This same " Boss " Cox, oy the way, has, or had, a special scale of charges fixed, so that any aspirant for a public office might, without unnecessary trouble, know the cost for running the same. Nominees for judgeships aud for the Legislature and county olfices had to pay from L2OO to L2OOO each, and pledge themselves to resign about two-thirds of the patronage of their position as well.

So much for the amicable procedure of the two great parties in the States. But there is a third that has arisen and cried, " A plague on both your houses." It is termed THE PEOPLE'S PARTY,

and it has just held a convention at St. Louis, in the State of Missouri. It is an agglomeration — or conglomeration — of all and sundry. " Mugwumps," the two historic parties term them. The only genuine saviours of this nation n— a nation that is upon the verge of moral, political, and material ruin — its members term themselves. Judging from its programme and speeches, Russia is in a flourishing condition compared to the United States. It seems, among other fearful things, we have "a hireling standing army, unrecognised by our laws, to shoot them down." The cures for this shocking state of affairs are — land nationalisation ; State ownership of railways, &c. ; bi-metalism ; and our dear old friend, who pops up like King Charles' head in Mr Dicks' memorial, a State bauk of Issue ! The people's party, however, could not agree. It contained too many diverse elements. There was the Farmers' Alliance hungering for a loan at 3 per ceut. that was to be advanced to its members by the State in which they lived, this latter obtaining it at 1 per cent, from the 'National Government, aud that, in its turn, was to buy a printing press and make money by the billion. Then there was the Knights of Labour party hot for eight hours per day, and the federated trades, and the prohibitionists marshalled by Miss Frances Williard. A common platform was an impossibility. This was evident from the first. The prohibitionists

withdrew before the close of the convention. The remainder agreed upon one thing and one only : the appointment of a committee to call a convention at which candidates for the Presidency and vice-Presidency shall be nominated. This was done, and its convention will be held at Omaha, in the state of Nebraska, in June. The prohibition party also propose to nominate candidates for these high offices. At present, then, it is doubtful how many Richmonds there will be in the field.

is A "nigger" a man?

Strange as the question may at first sight appear, it is not without justification. It has ever been assumed that a great day had dawned for the negro portion of the human race when Lincoln, standing upon the steps of the Capitol, proclaimed that from now, henceforth, and for ever the black man is free. But is he free ? and if so, what is freedom ? ,Within the shadow of the Capitol itself are to be found hundreds of people who view the negro as morally, socially, politically, and in every way their inferior. They will neither eat, drink, ride, or live with him. Special carriages are attached to the railway cars in some portions of the States for the negro's use, and he dare not ride in any other ; he cannot eat at the same table as the white man ; he cannot run a business in his own name ; he cannot rent or buy a house without causing the one on either side to be forthwith vacated. I have encountered in the public prints numerous cases, some of the cruellest kind -as when, for example, the successful competitor for a scholarship was denied it when it was discovered she had the "negro taint" in her blood — in evidence of my statements. Nor does the negro bear it passively. He has education, he has numbers, and he has a vote. It is this latter that will yet make him a power for good or for evil in the land. That he intends to exercise it is questionless.

At the present time the negro is working up a strong agitation against the proposed appropriation of 5,000,000d0l from Congress to the World's Fair because he, being a "nigger," has not in any way been recognised in connection with this great exposition of peace, brotherhood, and amity. Yet when the nigger is caught, as ho frequently is, in the perpetration of some of the more or less fiendish crimes for which his class have gained a miserable celebrity, retribution is swift and deadly. Hatred of the nigger dispels all other passions. In such hours he is treated with a punishment greater, if possible, than his offence merits. It is not a lone death he then has to fear, but a death beyond measure horrible. Such an event transpired last week. As it is conspicuous for its barbarity even in this land of strange happenings, I record it.

BURNED AT THE STAKE was the unusual heading of a telegraphic despatch from St. Louis on the 20th ult. It narrated an event that had occurred in the town of Texarkana, in the State of Arkansas, a few hours before. It appears the wife of a respectable farmer had, during the absence in town of her husband, been called upon by a negro named Coy, who, after having assaulted her, dragged her from the house to a barn, where he again repeatedly outraged her. He then escaped. On the husband's return the alarm was given, and speedily the whole country was alive with search parties. Signals were arranged, means of communicating the one with the other opened up, and in a few hours the wretched being was caught. He was brought back to the town. The whole place had by this time gathered there and upwards of 6000 men and women were soon marching forward with their prisoner to his place of death. But, how to kill him was the question. To hang such a monster seemed too easy a method, and, gradually, from whispered mutterings, the cry arose of " Burn him ! Burn him." A citizen, at this point, mounted some elevation and begged the people for the sake of their wives and children if they intended so to kill their prisoner to take him outside the town. This was dove, aa old tree trunk served as a stake. The victim was bound to it, his rags — for his clothes were torn to shreds — Were saturated in kerosene, and then his victim was pushed forward by the wild mob of men, and made to apply the match which set him in a blaze of fire, and within 10 minutes, reduced him to a heap of cinder.

Intense horror and indignation were created at the manner of the death, but none at the killing itself, whilst the perpetrators justify themselves upon the grounds that desjjerate diseases require desperate remedies.

UNPUNISHED CRIME is of so frequent a character, when the criminal has to answer for his or her guilt in the ordinary course of law, that many are apt to extend a measure of sympathy to tho prompt meting out of punishment by Judge Lynch. That this is no mere statement of individual opinion a perusal of the figures I submit will prove. It has been found that the average term of imprisonment to a murderer who has been sentenced for life is six years — a term less than that for many crimes against property. There has been no white man hanged in this city since 1888, although over 100 murders have been committed, whilst two years elapsed between the conviction and execution of the last man hanged. Nor are the figures for the whole country less remarkable. In the year 1891 there were 5906 murders, but only 123 executions, and these, too, for crimes committed prior to 1891. In the same period, however, there were 195 lynchings. The murder record for 1891 is, indeed, a ghastly one — exceeding, as it does, the death record for any battle in the history of the United States, including even Gettysburg, the bloodiest battle of the north and south, where the total was but 5662. It is when such figures as the above are fairly considered that one is apt to pause for fear of passing a too hasty condemnation upon Chief Justice Lynch aud his myrmidons

A PHKVIUM UPON FRAUD appears to be o.ioi-cd by the peculiar methods of the Customs House officials here and at Washington. A few weeks since it was discovered, by the merest accident, that a large and wealthy firm had for years been passing the richest and finest of silk goods as linen?, thereby defrauding the country of vast sums of money. In fact, it admitted to having- " done" the revenue for about 150,000dol ; and yet, in the face of this, a compromise of 100,000dol was accepted, and there was no prosecution. In another case a brewery iirm was proved beyond doubt to have robbed the people of 26,000d01, and in this instance also 12,500d0l was taken in settlement and no prosecution. And yet a third case, this time unearthed by the reporters, recently came forth. A firm of Japanese importers had, in conjunction with other similar houses, been for years in the habit of using false invoices. The sum the country has lost is estimated at about 100,000dol. The firm, when confronted, "owned up," and offered to "square" the matter. No definite decision has been given as 3 r et in this case. The price of Japanese goods has, however, strangely enough, gone up since the discovery. Such are a few of the cases this highly " protected " nation has to submit to. That there are many, many more is well known, but how are" you going to stop it ? ITEMS. Of 1238 vessels carrying grain from New York -

to Europe in 1891, only 25 were under ih American flag. . v , A special from Montreal says the •sum of 100,000dol was received at different times by Mercier, Pecaud, and Langevin, in addition to sums already disclosed. The " boodle " came from the railway. Arrests may follow. There is talk of retaliation upon the part of China, if the proposed Chinese Exclusion Bill becomes law.

Sir Edwin Arnold lectured here on Monday lasb. He sailed for Japan the following day. A monument is to be erected, in memory of Parn 11, in the Golden Gate park. The telegrams report that Talinage's Tabernacle is to be»sold by auction. A firm of contractors has a lien upon the building for some 56,000d01, which latter is not forthcoming. It has been proved that advertisements have been inserted in European papers for 3,000,000 working men for the World's Fair. Prompt steps are being taken by the proper authorities to contradict such a cruel piece of lying. ' The three months' export trade — via., October, November, and December 1891 — nearly equalled any one year's exports prior to> the year 1870.

The Deacon-Abeille case, owing to the high social position of the Deacons, is causing great interest here. A couple of columns a day are cabled from Cannes to the papers. Sympathy is entirely with the husband. His miserable* partner, who is a very beautiful woman, has nob even the poor excuse of having yielded herself to a mim cither physically or intellectually superior to her husband. Tho FrOnch comments are curious. Deacon, they say, should either have let his wife go— as shu preferred someone else— or have shot them both; but not having done either, he is a miserable coward and brutal assassin. Certainly they mauago these things rather differently in France.