REPUBLICAN FEELING IN EUROPE.

Otago Witness, Issue 987, 29 October 1870, Page 1

REPUBLICAN FEELING IN EUROPE.

The outburst of Republican feeling which followed the declaration of the French Republic in Spain, Italy, and England, although not a surprising event in itself, -will probably prove to be one of the most important consequences of the war. Sympathetic demonstrations of the kind might have been safely predicted, for modern history is full of them. In every country in Europe, Republican feeling acts like a volcanic force which is always threatening an explosion. Paris is the great centre of this political tendency; and in this respect the saying of the French philosophers — that France moves at the head of the nations — is undoubtedly true. A revolutionary change in its political institutions has never failed to occasion disturbances in neighbouring countries, The triumph of the

Republicans in Paris is a signal for the Republicans in every capital in Europe to display their sympathies, and to seek a similar triumph for themselves. The fall of a French dynasty is more than likely to involve the ruin of other dynasties through the sheer force of "sympathetic feeling. This is perhaps the most remarkable feature of European politics ', and of the many illustrations it has received, none is more striking than that of the present day. No sooner had the news of Napoleon's surrender reached Paris, than the old republican feeling became at once the dominant power of the State. Everything that had been done during the last years of Imperialism towards the establishment of constitutional government — and it cannot be denied that a great deal had been done — was swept away in an instant. A Provisional Government, consisting of some halfdozen Republicans, installed itself immediately, as if it belonged to the natural order of events. The Legislative Chambers seem to have dissolved of their own accord, and the Ministry which it had called into existence a few days before, vanished without a word of remonstrance. A Government so formed can have no element of permanence in it ; it is more than probable that its existence has been brought to an end already through internal dissension, if not through outward violence. Its instability must have been patent to all Europe ; and in that circumstance we may find some explanation of the reluctance displayed by the English Government in recognising it, as well as of the refusal of the King of Prussia to recognise it at all. But considerations of this kind had no influence among the republican masses throughout Europe and America. The President of the United States set the example by telegraphing his congratulations to the French Republic; and his Minister in Paris assured a deputation that ' America is most anxious for the success of republican institutions in France and throughout Europe.' The effect of the announcement in Spain and Italy was electrical. ' Great crowds assembled last night in the Piazza del Palazza Vecchia, in Florence, shouting for a Republic, and tried to force an entrance into the tower of the palace so as to hoist a republican flag. . . Quiet reigned to-day, but the hurried removal of the Court and Government keeps the people in a ferment. Active negotiations are going on with the Papal Government on the subject of the transfer of the capital to Rome. It is believed that nothing else can prevent a revolution, which may upset both the Pope and the King.' With the Italian populace in such a temper, revolutionary demonstrations are certain to take place. Even the annexation of Rome may fail to satisfy the republicans. United Italy is one thing, but United Italy under a republican form of government is another ; and probably King Victor may lose his cro wnforno other reason than that Lo dis Napoleon has lost his. The Spanish republicans lost no time in making similar manifestations. They telegraphed their congratulations to Jules Favre and his compatriots, and proceeded to consider the expediency of declaring for a republican Spain, with Marshal Prim as the first President.

The spread of anti-monarchical opinion in Europe during recent years must have been greater than is usually supposed, when we read of such demonstrations as those which took place in London. No country in Europe has been less affected by revolutionary sentiments than England. Whatever dissatisfaction may have existed among Englishmen has never been traced to the form of Government under which they live, but to causes of a purely exceptional character. No manifestations of hostile feeling towards the Constitution represented by Queen, Lords, and Commons, have taken

place in England with the sanction of public opinion in any shape. Even the eloquence of John Bright failed to excite any popular movement in favour of abolishing the House of Lords — an idea which some years ago formed a prominent feature of his political theories. The masses have never attempted to get up a revolution in order to rid themselves of their pauperism and their taxes. They have been eminently constitutional in the midst of all their grievances. But they may nevertheless have learned of late years to sympathise more keenly with the Republicans of America and the Continent than they were supposed to do ; and the demonstrations which took place in London in favour of the French Republic must be regarded as very strong evidence to that effect. 'Three groans for the Prince of Wales' can only mean that Monarchy is not in fashion amon^ the people. Those who are disposed to doubt that interpretation must explain how it came to pass that the mention of Her Majesty's name was received with a tempest of hisses. The .Prince of Wales may be personally unpopular, but Queen Victoria is not. Our information on this subject is at present limited to American sources, and possibly the statements made with respect to it may be coloured by American sympathies. But the facts remain j and make what allowance we may on the ground of American exaggeration, they must be taken as memorable indications of the state of public feeling in England.

Probably no European potentate would be less disposed to welcome the establishment; of a Republic in France than the King of Prussia. The last punishment he would wish to inflict on Napoleon would be to deprive him of his throne. King William has not been on the very best of terms with his own subjects. They have grievances to redress as well as political aspirations to throw into shape j and had he not been fortunately enabled go occupy their attention by foreign wars, he would have found himself under the necessity of conciliating the Republican element within his own dominions. That he should recognise the French Republic, except under political pressure, is not to be expected. It is to be feared that the negotiations for peace will meet with an obstacle in this quarter which will not be readily overcome.