THE NEW REFORM BILL.

Otago Witness, Issue 62, 24 July 1852, Page 4

THE NEW REFORM BILL.

Lord John Russell, in moving the promised Reform Bill, urged the circumstances of the tranquillity of the country as rendering the present session peculiarly fitted to the consideration of the subject. He denied that it was merely on the spur of the moment, when pressed last year, that he resolved to propose a measure of parliamentary reform. In 1848, while opposing Mr. Hume's motion, he stated that the period was probably approaching when it would be well to consider whether some extension of the suffrage was not necessary. The question was discussed in the cabinet in 1849 and 1850, but on both occasions there were reasons sufficient for its postponement. But while admitting the necessity for an extension of the suffrage, he held the claim untimely which asserted the right of every individual to the franchise. He then drew an historical retrospect of all the measures of reform proposed from that of Mr. Pitt, in 1811, down to the bill of 1832, the main provisions of which, so far as they limited the franchise in counties and boroughs, he called attention to, and urged that if the counties and large towns only returned members, it would be impossible to say that we had a fair system of representation. Where representation depended solely on numbers, as in the United States, it had been found necessary to arm the Executive, in the person of the President, with powers far beyond those held by the Sovereign of this country, viz., to appoint his ministry without any reference to the opinions of Congress. It would be unwise, and destroy the balance of the constitution, if in this country the representation were confined to the counties and large towns. He saw no reason, nor was it intended to proceed arbitrarily to absolute disfranchisement in the case of small boroughs. It was only proposed to disfranchise those boroughs when there was proof of corruption, to be ascertained by means of a commission, similar to that appointed in the St. Albans' case. It would be for the house to consider whether the hiatus in the representation occasioned by the disfranchisement of boroughs under such circumstances should not be filled up as he now proposed in the case of Sudbury and Saint Albans, by giving the vacant seats to populous and growing towns like Birkenhead and Barnsley. Holding that parliament was correct in 1831 in placing the right of voting on household suffrage, at a £10 qualification, he thought the time had now come when it might safely be lowered. He proposed to substitute a rated value of £5 in boroughs for the existing £10 franchise. In point of numbers, he calculated that the proportion of occupiers between £5 and £10, as compared with those of £10 and upwards, was about 6 to 10. The proposed change, therefore, would add materially to the number of voters in boroughs. He proposed to maintain the distinction between the county and the borough franchise, established by the Reform Act. The 40s. freehold franchise would not be disturbed; but with regard to the occupation franchise, he thought the same qualification which entitled a man to sit on juries might safely be taken as that which should give the right to vote for members of Parliament ; and accordingly he proposed to reduce the occupation franchise in counties from £50 to £20 rated value ; and with regard to copyhold tenures and long leaseholds, the qualification was to be reduced from £10 to £5. Besides these, it was proposed to give a new right of voting indiscriminately to persons residing either in counties or boroughs — those residing without the limits of the borough to vote for the county, and those within, for the borough — that was, the right of all persons to vote who paid direct taxes in the shape of assessed or income tax, to the anwmnt of 40s. a year. Such new qualification, however, was not to extend to persons who paid merely for licenses. This would obviate the objection frequently and reasonably urged, that while persons holding freehold or leasehold property, and even mere occupying tenants had the right of voting, a large class of educated men possessing property and every qualification for the exercise of the franchise had not that right. With regard to the small boroughs, he thought on principle they should be maintained. We did not find, although there was now an outcry against them, that Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, or any other statesmen who had propounded or supported plans of parliamentary reform had ever suggested the total destruction of the small boroughs. It was a mistake to suppose that all these boroughs were infected with corruption more than some of the larger constituencies. In many of thorn elections were conducted with purity ; but as with regard to some it was said with truth that the influence of property controlled the elections, and, as it was desirable that that reproach should be removed, he proposed where such influence prevailed to extend the constituency by adding neighbouring towns

in the same or the adjoining county. In bringing forward the Reform Act he had stated that no electoral borough under that Act would have less than 300 voters, and while that was the case generally, it appeared that 14 had less than that number, about 33 more had less than 400, and several others less than 500. He proposed to abide by that standard of 500, and to add places in the neighbourhood to those which had less, in order to make up that number. The number of boroughs to which this principle would apply in England and Wales would be 67. These small boroughs (except some few in Yorkshire) being in the southern and western counties were principally in agricultural districts, and the places it was proposed to add to them being of the same character, of course the balance of interests established by the Reform Bill would be preserved, the object being, not to interfere with those interests, but to leave them as they were. Last year he had intimated that he attached no value to the property qualification of members, and that he was willing to see it entirely abolished, and, acting on that opinion, a clause would be introduced into the Bill repealing all the Acts from Anne downwards referring to that subject, so that in future the English and Irish members would, in this respect, be placed on a footing of equality with those of Scotland. Another subject he proposed to deal with in the Bill — after the necessary resolution of the house on the subject should be passed — was the oaths taken by members. He saw no advantage in maintaining invidious distinctions between the oaths of Protestants and Roman Catholics, nor in calling upon members to abjure James 11. and his descendants. In the new form of oath he proposed the words " on the true faith of a Christian" should be omitted — words which had never been introduced to confine the right of sitting in Parliament to Christians, but for a totally different purpose. The oath he would suggest was a simple one, which all members could take alike, merely binding them to allegiance to the throne, and fidelity to the succession. There would be one other clause in the Bill in regard to members accepting offices under the Crown. At present, not only when the member first accepted office, but when he changed office his seat became vacant. He did not propose to alter the law as regarded members accepting office for the first time, but he thought that when a member who held one office merely changed to another under the' same administration, there should be no necessity for a re-election ; and to this extent he proposed to effect an alteration. With regard to Ireland it was not proposed to make any alteration in respect to the county franchise. But with regard to the city and borongh franchise, the qualification would be reduced from L.B to L.5, it having been found that the L.B franchise greatly restricted the number of voters in Ireland. The [ very small number on the lists of some of the boroughs had disposed Government to reconsider the question placed before the House when the Irish Bill was before it, — viz., whether, with regard to some of those boroughs, it was not advisable to add the neighbouring towns, and thereby secure larger and more independent constituencies. This question of the franchise settled, Parliament would be in a position to consider one from which it was not alien, viz., the education of the people. In another session he trusted they would be prepared to concur in a general measure on that | subject.