IRELAND AT THE CROSSROADS.

Oamaru Mail, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 10409, 22 March 1910, Page 2

IRELAND AT THE CROSSROADS.

(By H. Stuart Doit;.) The whirligig" of politics, like the whirligig of time, brings its revenges. For years the Liberal Imperialists, Lord Rosebery, Mr Asquith, Sir Echvard Grey, and Mr Haldane, have been anathema to Irish Nationalists. W lien Mr Gladstone callecf upon. Irish Nationalists to '-'throw Parnell to the English wolves' they did so. They have long since regretted their complacency. Mr Redmond, to be quite fair, retused to join the pack which hunted an Irish quarry. He refused to take from an English statesman the weapon 011 which an Irish colleague was to be impaled. But the sacrifice was made —because Ireland believed that Home rule was to be the instant and exceeding -great reward. "Don't speak to the man at the wheel!" said Mr Tim Healy when Parnell left the English Divorce Court, a broken aiid a ruined man. "I am 110 man's man but Ireland's," he said a little later, when forced tt> choose between Parnellism and Home Rule.

Well, Parnell went; and Home Rule did not come. Lord Rosebery, the leader of the Liberal Imperialists, refused to honor Mr Gladstone's Bill, lie told the Irish Nationalists, after they had sacrificed their leader, that the next step was to convert England, to convince "'the predominant partner." Irish Nationalists 1 will never forget the chagrin and the bitterness of what they regard as their betrayal by Liberal Imperialists. To-day an ex-leader of the Liberal Imperialists is Prime Minister of England, by the fortune of war —and by kind permission bf Mr Redmond. It is true that Mr. Asquith and Lord Rosebery have modified their relationship That is nothing to the Nationalists. The wheel has come full circle. The whirligig of politics has delivered Mr Asquith. bound and fettered hand and foot, into Mr Redmond's hands. What will he do ?

There is a party in Ireland' which demands that he shall do the heroic thing and smite the enemy hip and thigh. Revenge, they say, is not only rough justice, it is also good tactics. It is not an,organised party. It is represented by 110 leagues ; it has 110 newspapers in the capital; 110 Molly Maguire lodges in the country. But it represents the old brigade (if Irish Nationalism, the fine flower of the army of disloyalty and discontent. It combines the stern and unbending Parnellites, the old Physical Force men, and the new critics of parliamentarianism —the Sinn Feiners. Its watchword is that "Who would be free, himself must strike the blow." It is asking to-day, What would Parnell do P And it is also supplying the answer. Parnell, in the American phrase, would "chance 'his arm."

Mr Asquith, they are told, will not retain office unless be gets pertain pledges from the Crown. With a grim smile, the "intransigeant" will tell you tliat there is a. condition precedent to this. Before Mr Asquith can approach the Crown lie must first have a majority. And if two and two still make four, Mr Asquith has no majority unless at the option of Mr Redmond. It the Irish Nationalists throw their swords into the Opposition scale, Mr Asquith's majority is none. First and foremost, therefore, he must conic to terms with Mr Redmond. That is the dilemma to which Mr Asquith has returned from the Riviera. But this time, say the "intransigeants," there must he no more equivocation, no more pie-crust promises. There must be no more room for the old game of "Open your mouth and shut your eyes and see what Liberalism will send you." Mr Asquith must be told to put Home Rule lirst and after that he will get Irish support for the Budget and the abolition of the veto. The old roles are to be altered. Dives and Lazarus are to change places. Liberalism is to wait on Nationalism. Mr Asquith, the "intransigeants' are told, may refuse. Then, tlicy reply, let him go. To turn him out ol office may postpone Home llule. V. ill keeping him in -office guarantee! it And, they say, tlio best thing lor Nationalism is to show that Nationalists mean business. There is 110 light in an army .that is always marking time; no fear of a shepherd that is always calling "Wolf!" For a quarter of a century Irish Nationalists have held out the promise that once. they got the balance of power they would make and unmake British parties until they were brought off with Home Rule. If they strike now, and strike hard, they may not get Home Rule. But they will restore self-respect to Nationalism, and enthusiasm to its reserve camps in America and Australia.

But, the timid Nationalists urge, if Mr Asquith is put out Mr Balfour will come in. Let him, is the reply of the irreconcilables. lt : ho comes back with a small majority he steps into the pinching shoes of Mr Asquith. K he eo-iies back independent of the Irish party he comes back with Tariff Reform. The half loaf is better than no broad, the certainty of Tariff Reform is better than the vague promise of half-baked Home Rule.

Will Mr Redmond play tho strong man and gratify the "lutransigeants" '■? Frankly, Ido not think he will. He must be greatly tempted to take their advice, if only because it would enable liim to dish the rebels on his Hank —the sturdy band of "Independents" who have been returned to destroy the Budget. But Mr Redmond is not the stuff of which revolutionaries are made. He is rather a. timid Whig than a roaring red-hot rebel. And he is not spoiling for a fight. He is just as anxious to avoid another general election as Mr Asquith. For years he has pretended +hat his army was cohesive and full of fight, that his war chest was full of gold, that the Irish vote in Great Britain could dominate the situation across the Channel. He is afraid to test his position b.v a real battle. He knows that liin army will not fight. That is the? real difficulty of his position. The Irish farmer has been mesmerised by old-age pensions and land purchase. The tenant farmers fought behind I'arnell—for tho land. They will not make any great sacrifice now that tliev have got tho land to light behind Mr Redmond for Home Rule. Mr Redmond knows, therefore, that his legions will not fight. He knows that if lie continues to mark time both liartie's" will strive to' come to his rescue. That is better than setting both against him, or, at least, safer. That is why he will hold his hand instead of chancing his arm. And it will save him from the appearance of throwing away Homo Rule when it was within grasp. He is the dictator who dislikes to dictate.