BRITAIN’S FOREIGN RELATIONS

New Zealand Mail, Issue 1611, 14 January 1903, Page 47

BRITAIN’S FOREIGN RELATIONS

It was announced the other day that Great Britain was at peace with all the world. This statement was more hyperbolical than strictly accurate. That we desire to dwell in- harmony with all mankind is undoubtedly time, but our own conditions and the enmity of our neighbours keep the British people in continuous conflict or hot water ail round. While the nation’s joy-bells were ringing out “Peace on earth, goodwill towards men,” the British soldiery were preparing to obliterate a reverse in Somaliland, and were conducting a punitive expedition for the suppression of hill tribes on the north-west frontier of India. These “little wars” may be regarded as being to some extent the price of Empire, but, besides being expensive, they result in the loss of many valuable lives. But it is not in the overthrowing of the Mad Mullah or in the punishment of the Waziri tribes that the greatest concern may be said to centre. In Europe and in the Far East Great Britain has her Pharisaical friends and jealous rivals. It would appear as if England’s Prime Minister and Lord Lansdowne had studiously avoided any reference in their recent speeches to the embittered utterances of the Russian and the German press; still, it is notorious that Russia has been endeavouring to move the new Ameer of Afghanistan into action of hostility to Great Britain, on the plea that the time had come for closer commercial relations between the subjects of the Czar and the Afghans. The Russian Government, therefore, asked that Russian caravans should be allowed to traverse the Ameer’s territory as far as Cabul and Herat. It is assuring to note that the Ameer, while willing to consider the question, informed the Russian agent that all communications upon questions of policy must be made to him through the Indian Government, according to the precedent of the late Ameer. Russia’s designs upon Afghanistan have only been foiled for a time. Her evacuation of Manchuria was ac-

claimed as being complete, but the London “Times” Pekin correspondent has exposed the futility of the Russian terms of withdrawal, and has convinced the British public that Russia’s policy in regard to Manchuria has throughout been one of undeviating determination to annex that province of the Chinese Empire sooner or later. Russia’s intrigues in Afghanistan and her aggression in China must be regarded as menaces to Great Britain’s power and influence in Asia.

Now comes from the same source intelligence of a sensational exposure of German intriguing to handicap Great Britain in the Yangtze Valley—a region which England was supposed to possess the exclusive right to exploit for trade purposes". Notwithstanding all the protestations to the contrary on. the part of the more authoritative section of the German press and leading statesmen, the attitude of Germany towards Great Britain in recent years can hardly bear two interpretations. However friendly the Kaiser may be with his uncle, King Edward, his people as a whole are distinctly hostile to Great Britain. Even when Mr Chamberlain’a visit to South Africa was approved by the Boer Generals as being likely to effect a satisfactory settlement of pressing difficulties, the German press questioned the honesty of British purpose, and hurled invectives at the Secretary of State for the Colonies. There is no doubt that the Germans hate the British. During the war they brought odious charges against Britain’s army and Britain’s Government, attempting to drag their honour in the mire. There are, of course, some Germans dwelling in their own country or in various parts of the British Empire who understand us and know the reasons for their countrymen’s hostile disposition towards England. One declares that German, officers and officials hate England because she is a living refutation of their theories. “The German professors, who at the present day are the most Chauvinistic of human beings, hate her because their Chauvinism can no longer bo reasonably directed against Franco and because they fear Russia. They consider it less dangerous to Kate England. The manufacturing and commercial classes hate her as their most immediate competitor; and the mob hates her because it is taught to do so, and is irritated at the superiority of her culture.” Some public men in Germany take freouent occasion to denounce Great Britain. Herr Kropatschock, speaking in the Reichstag, avowed that it was because Germany feared a war with England she requiredi a fleet: and the Conservative leader, Graf Limburg, declared that “the naval measures of the Government were directed against Great Britain, and were all the more welcome to him on that account.” The Kaiser’s visit may have created a better feeling, diplomatically, between the two countries, but it will take a great deal more than the Emperor’s visit to mollify the German populace towards Britain. Indeed, in some quarters the Royal visit seems but to have intensified the hatred already in evidence.

With the exception, however, of Russia and Germany, there appears a dis- . position among the nations of Europe, and even of America, to cultivate the friendship of Great Britain. The French have realised that it is detrimental to their commercial and national interests to iucite popular antipathy to the English. There was, a few years ago, a strong tide of ill-will flowing from France towards England. The great exposition at Paris suffered accordingly, and the Parisians have found it more easy to endure the loss of Fashoda than the withdrawal of the patronage of wealthy visitors from north the Channel. " Now we find the public men in France displaying the utmost consideration for England. Our cablegrams have recently told us that Britain’s representative in Paris has Had occasion to reciprocate the kindly feelings of French pubuc men towards the Empire and King Edward. M. Finot, the editor of the “Revue,” affirms that “the French and English have for the most part ethnographically the same origin,” and lie holds that “it Has been owing to their reciprocal influence that they have individually attained political self-consciousness and "worked out national salvation.” England spends in France some eighteen hundred millions of francs annually, and the products that country sends to England are what France could not very well get rid of , elsewhere, but England could very well obtain for the most part from her oversea possessions. It may be noted, too, that France was less aggressive during the Boer war than any of the other continental countries; and some eminent French publicists consider that a “Franco-English union would be the precursor of peace and of the progress of the world.” It is further argued that Great Britain needs a friend whose interests would not clash with her own, and that naturally that friend is France. But Great Britain is yet strong. She may be envied and detested. She mav be isolated, because she is feared : but it is surely a mistake - for foreign rivals .to imagine that she has reached the er.d of her resources or the ape' 1 ' of her career. She enjoys the of America, the alliance - r F t->fi-ondsliin of France and of Italy. Possessed of a great army, ’

ft greater navy and self-reliant, selfgoverning colonies, the British «tinp:re Bas no occasion to sue for favours anywhere. The world knows that she stands for liberty, justice and peace, and no matter how greatly she may be envied and even hated, the strength and influence of her position are unassailable.