The Politician.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 221, 4 December 1875, Page 17

The Politician.

SIR GEORGE GREY AND HIS CONSTITUENTS. (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) (PER PRESS AGENCY.) Auckland, Monday. About a thousand persons were present at the Choral Hall to hear Sir George Grey’s speech. On the motion of Mr. Swanson, Mr. Robert Graham took the chair. Nearly all the leading men of the city and many Maori chiefs were on the platform. Grey was received with deafening cheers, all standing. In opening his remarks, he referred to the circumstance which brings him out, and said that at the present critical state of affairs no man should refuse to do his duty. He thanked the constituency for placing him in a position of independence, by leaving him wholly unfettered, and he said confidently that no man had ever asked him for a single favor. He said they knew that the Assembly, in which Auckland was imperfectly represented, had resolved to change the freedom they enjoyed of electing their own administrators into a servitude under which the Ministry, without reference to the people, might nominate any one they choose. They determined to do that, without giving the people an opportunity of expressing their wishes. He characterised that action as a crime—a crime against the whole human race

—for it was an innovation ; and he was surprised, night after night, to hear one member after another get up and declare their intention to carry such a monstrous Act, an Act which was unheard of in any free community, and which lie was convinced that the Assembly had no power to carry out. If a few determined men would stand by him, then the change should not take place. Through the efforts of many noble men, the people had secured to them the right of determining their future. He said lie had not heard one good argument in favor of abolishing institutions which a fiord the most perfect system of representation and government of the people. He spoke at some length on the slow but steady development of free institutions. It was impossible to compare the circumstances of the colony to those of Great Britain. The Governor could not bo compared to the Queen. Then what hereditary aristocracy had they here to form an Upper House ? (Loud cheers and derisive laughter.) Did they suppose for a moment that if it was left to the people of England now to set up an Upper House that they would constitute such an Upper House,

and pay them as they were asked to do ? At the present there was a sort of equality among the people of New Zealand, which he was glad to see, and if a rich man married a poor man’s daughter neither he nor she was looked down upon, but if they were to set up an aristocracy here, the mass of the people must think what service had any class of people here rendered that they should be raised up above their fellow-men. Tie compared the amount of scrutiny to which the proceedings of Parliament in Britain were subjected with the way Government was carried on here. Many things that were done were unknown to the people for months. Even telegrams were filtered by Government. He cited as an instance of unjustifiable procedure the Act indemnifying members of the Legislature from proceedings which might bo brought against them for breaking the law. No report of the discussion in committee on that Bill would appear in Hansard. The Bill sot out by stating that the Act was to indemnify certain members, but the Act actually indemnifies the whole of the Assembly. Was such a thing ever heard : that a dying Parliament should take such steps to protect themselves from the operation of the law. lie suggested in committee that the names of those indemnified should be set out, but it was rejected. There were many of them, and they did not wish to hold them up to obloquy. He then induced Mr. Sheehan to move that those members who did not intend to avail themselves of the indemnity might give public notice, and that not doing so would deprive them of the right to plead that indemnity ; but the Assembly rejected that proposal with the greatest scorn. There was no report of all this in the official reports, and the people were in ignorance of it. Such things would never be attempted in England. He entered at length into the Piako Swamp question, and said the action of the Government in that sale was contrary to law. He also spoke of the purchase of native lands. He said he had been accused by the Ministry with the greatest contumely of having advocated wholesale confiscation. What constituted the grounds of that charge? They had entrusted £750,000 to certain agents to purchase lands for the public under the pre-emption of the Crown, and if that power was used to benefit private individuals, he contended that the law customary between any commission agent and his employers should be enforced, and that in proposing that those lands should be handed over to the Government, upon reimbursing the agents such private expenses as they had actually incurred, he only proposed what was right. He reviewed all these points, and he entered into the manner of raising the revenue, and said that Auckland was charged with being impecunious. But how were they impecunious ? Only because they were called upon to meet the enormous expenses of that ravenous monster in Wellington. If they were erected into a colony by themselves, and had a Customs revenue, they would be a wealthy community. (Loud cheers.") He quoted from Macandrew’s pamphlet the assertion that the runholders in the South .supported abolition because they would be able to get their large runs leased again on better terms than they could do from the Provincial Governments. If those runs were not again leased they would most probably be cut up into small sheep farms for the benefit of the people. Alluding to the subsidies promised to road boards and municipalities, he characterised them as bribes, but only such as might be offered by nurses to children. He proceeded to show that these subsidies must come out of taxation, and the so-called endowment was thus directly taken out of their own pockets. These subsidies had hitherto been drawn from loans, for which they would have to pay very dearly, It might be said that a land tax or property tax might remedy this, but when he proposed to lessen individual taxation by this means he was met by objections, to which he replied that they wanted men who would do this. He contended that there was no difficulty iu reducing the estimates by £150,000, as Mr. Reader Wood would bear him out. As for the future, at present it would be impolitic to attempt to map out any actual policy. The day after the next session of Parliament closes, ' the provinces will he abolished. Before then a great many contingencies are to come into force. We do not quite know how the next Parliament may be constituted, or who will lie the Minister. We do not feel cei-tain at all that abolition will take place. That is yet a question in the womb of time, and has to be determined by the constituencies of New Zealand. Strictly speaking, it is the Government who should tell you what kind of Government they would set up. The Government should have gone to the country with that, but next session we are to be surprised with exactly what was attempted last session. Now, under such circumstances what is our duty ? In my opinion—l speak to electors of Auckland City West, and T say our duty is very plain and very simple—our duty is this : the law of the affairs of an empire is that if the federation is broken up, without the consent of tho different bodies comprising that federation, each part of the confederation shall determine whether it will enter into the new federation or not, and upon what terms it will do so. Now, supposing the Government had taken this view, that they had proposed certain forms of government, and had gone to the provinces with it, and that each Provincial Council had passed a law having been expressly returned for that purpose, you would have been bound by that; but if the provinces are only abolished by the Assembly, we have aright, as free men, to determine ourselves whether we will or will not enter into such federation as the (tenoral Assembly may scud lie fore us. If an attempt is made to force Auckland into the confederation contrary to its interest, the wrongs you have suffered, the unjust dealings with the lands which have taken place, will give an immense claim upon the sympathy of the Empire, upon the Queen and Parliament at Home, and will ensure your voice being heard as to what your own wishes for your future destiny may

be. This is one of the cardinal points which you should keep in view. I will put various projects before you. The idea that if Auckland were an absolutely separate colony, as Queensland is separated from New South Wales, she would be one of the greatest and most prosperous of colonies. [He here spoke of aptitude shown by Auckland in past times for selfgovernment.] I believe it is impossible to devise institutions in the j>resent day which should not, in some respects, do wrong ; but I do think, and having that faith, I have the support of the greatest mind in Europe that it would be possible by degrees to educate tho people to be fitted for a higher state of institutions than any now enjoyed in any part of tho world. Ho instanced the free state of Greece as the most perfect Government known. He asserted his unhesitating belief that if Auckland was made a free city, with only tho harbors of Auckland and the Manukau and the adjacent land, we would raise up a community as great as Carthage. If within these limits the power of establishing free trade and the extension of our commerce were given to us, we should even within these small limits nse to a greatness that would astonish mankind. I may tell you that some of the greatest minds in the last Assembly believed that under existing circumstances, and in view of the shock given to provincial institutions, that the best solution of the difficulty would be the self separation of New Zealand into two States—(loud cheers)— and that each island have, in due subordination to Great Britain, absolutely sovereign powers within itself, and that it should yield up no portion of its powers, except strictly federal ones, to a small General Government sitting at Wellington, simply to regulate Customs duties, post-office dues, and certain subjects of that kind; and that, like the Statesof America, each island should be sovereign within its own limits, and that the General Assembly be the servant of the two islands, not able to take away any powers from them, but only receiving such powers as may by joint agreement be given them. With such a General Assembly and a Government, the members being small in number, and meeting but for short periods of time, and dealing on these few points, there would be but little difficulty in carrying out such a plan. Even some leading men at Wellington have signified their entire acquiescence, and that iu case of Auckland being made the capital of the Northern Island, the federal Government retains its seat at Wellington. He would feel it his duty to accord with this if public sentiment were in that direction, although he would sacrifice something of his own feelings. He would see a chance of prosperity being restored to New Zealand, and the North having its own revenue spent among them. He thought this was a scheme which the people should bend their minds to; they would have two Legislatures in the North Island, one at Wellington and the other at Auckland, sitting under the direct eye of the public, whose welfare their actions affected. They would see again Auckland able to spend her fair share of money, and able to avail herself of all advantages. It was a melancholy thing for him to see no road to the districts near his habitation, and to see residents like savages in canoes, waiting at points on the journey to send produce to Auckland. Therefore, in all parts of the province his heart yearned to have a different state of things. It was for this that he recommended the plan of separation which found most favor with his friends. Then to look further to future—quite recently fresh fields of industry had been opened to the human race, such as California, Japan, China, and Australasia. Look at the position of Auckland, situated in the highway of two oceans, teeming with riches, with resources of coal, timber, and gold—all that the heart could desire. What a destiny lay before Auckland if the people would be true to themselves. Would they do this, and use their best efforts to arrive at a decision that would be for the benefit of New Zealand. He did not ask them to go with him if they dis.approved of his suggestions, he could go back to retirement if they still were unwilling to aid him in his efforts for the good of the colony. His services were still at their disposal. (Prolonged cheering.) A vote of confidence was passed amidst great enthusiasm.

On the motion of Grey, a vote of confidence was also passed in Dignan. Three cheers for Grey and three cheers for separation concluded the meeting. MR, REYNOLDS AT DUNEDIN. Dunedin, Wednesday. The Hon. W. 11. Reynolds addressed the electors in the Drillshed this evening. The hall was filled. His Worship the Mayor was in the chair. Mr. Reynolds, who was received with applause, said he had taken the earliest opportunity to address them, so as to give an account of his stewardship. He was sure they would grant him a quiet hearing. The present Parliament had been an eventful one, and highly progressive to the colony. Ho trusted that when he had finished his address they would admit the electors had lost nothing at his hands, lie would confine his remarks to questions affecting this province. He considered Nelson and Auckland as prosperous as Otago at the present time. After giving a statement as to railways and telegraphs in progress, he stated that the connection of New Zealand with Australia by cable was one of the most important undertakings of the present Parliament. He alluded to telegraph, postal, and immigration matters, but his remarks were merely a re} etition of former statements made in the House. He could point with no little satisfaction to the fact that no fewer than thirteen lighthouses were constructed or under construction in the colony. He had also the satisfaction of being able to establish a system of storm warnings, and he had also initiated a system by which masters of vessels could ascertain the state of the weather at open roadsteads. He had been able to establish a naval school at Kohimarama. He anticipated that the colony would

be able to turn out from 500 to 600 trained young seamen. He hoped soon to see a training ship established at Portobcllo. He looked upon the Marine Department as second to no other in the colony, and though no prophet he thought it would take the lead of any department in tho colony. He felt proud that with tho aid of his colleagues he had carried out this department so successfully. The Government, though not given to much talking, were a working Government. (Hear, hear.) The Opposition had left no stone unturned to find some cause of complaint against the Government, hut his hearers would see how lamentably they had failed. He was now going to tread on dangerous ground, and have a turn at the Press. He thought that a portion of the Press had not acted fairly towards the Government. (Groans: Oh ! oh !) It had not acted fairly towards the Government, and particularly towards himself ; he would give an instance. In the Daily Thins he was charged with making some ridiculous statement in committee on the Abolition Bill, when he never spoke on the matter. (A voice : Good job too). He would not have minded this, had there not been a leader next day commenting on some absurd reference lie made to the Bill. He should lie sorry to think these mistakes were purposely made, but he felt bound to clear himself before his constituents. The late session had been an arduous one with the Government ; it had been attacked from all points, but had withstood the siege. He should be very explicit in speaking on the Abolition Act, as he had been charged by the Press with breaking pledges he had made, and doing something very awful. He totally denied doing such a thing. (Oh, oh !) He had nothing to hide, and intended to state the matter clearly. He had never pledged himself to oppose the abolition of the North Island provinces. He frankly admitted that he still had a hankering for provincialism. He admitted that all that was claimed for provincialism in the past was fully justified. He was certain, from what lie had now seen, that provincialism must break down. He had endeavored for ten years to secure a federal Government for these two islands, with separation. He admitted that from what he had said at his last meeting, it might be inferred that he was opposed to the abolition of the provinces in the Middle Island. He was opposed to the abolition of the provinces of the Middle Island when he last addressed them; but after he had seen how the members from other provinces were in favor of abolition, he thought it advisable to do the best for his constituents, and he voted for abolition. He thought that Canterbury and Otago would stand a poor chance of obtaining justice if they retained their Provincial Governments after the others were abolished. He was a resident in the province for ‘25 years, and it was not at all likely he would do anything to sacrifice their interests or that of his constituents in any way whatever. Fault had been found with the Government because they sought to carry the abolition measure before the matter was relegated to the constituencies. It was the Provincial Governments they were afraid of. The danger was, if Provincial Councils were allowed to meet again, unprincipled Executives—and there were some (cheers) —might have got estimates passed farinexcessofrevenue, and contracts entered into, and the colony would have found itself involved in some millions of indebtedness which would entail ruin upon the credit of the colony. Had it not been for these fears he for one would have been in favor of placing the question before the electors. He had no hesitation in saying that the Government and its supporters were justified in the action they took. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He referred to the principles of the Abolition Act, and he was astonished to find since he had left Wellington how little was known of the Act. He then explained the principles and provisions of the Abolition Act. No such liberality had ever been manifested bv the Otago Provincial Council, towards 1 Hmedin as had been manifested in the provisions of the Abolition Bill. With reference to the endowment of municipalities, the question was often asked, what are we to get from abolition of the provinces ? His answer win, the provisions of the Abolition Act, by which they would get local government and local control of expenditure. The Government had to prepare a mere tentative measure, which would harmonise with the road boards machinery. They thought it advisable to prepare a simple measure and calculated to carry out a complete system of local self government, and lie denied that the Government had any idea of centralising the administration of the affairs of the colony in Wellington. The provinces were abolished and would never be resusitated, therefore it was useless for them voting for a man who was in favor of provincialism. There were those who believed in two provinces for each island. (Loud cheers). This he thought was not feasible, as the provinces of Nelson and Marlborough voters would not agree to it. He thought that a province for each island was most reasonable, but not possible. He bad made this scheme his study for ton years. He quoted resolutions that he had brought forward on that subject from Hansard for the session 1870. Tn 1872 he in-ti-educed a resolution that the provinces should be abolished, and one province for each island substituted. When he went into the details of the matter ho found there was no unanimity among his party. He therefore gave the scheme up iu disgust, as ho had been so thoroughly sold by those who had asked him to bring the subject forward, lie referred to >Sir George Grey’s speech on tho 22ml .March, in which he (Grey) stated he was in favor of upsetting the compact of 1856. [Three cheers for Grey were called, which were given.] All the Auckland people had been told to follow Grey and all the members would be returned, pledged to break the compact of 1856. Ho was confident the Auckland members would never vote for two provinces for tho colony unless they obtained a share of the Middle Island land re-

venue. His advice to tho electors was to secure honest representatives;—(derisive cheers) independent men, and who would see justice done to all parts of the colony. They should secure men who would see to the administration of the land, not only to the province, but the colony. He announced that he intended to offer himself as a candidate—(cheers) —and if they returned him he would be found watching their interests, and as a consequence his own. (Cheers) In answer to questions he stated that as Otago was the largest province and had the largest population, the benefits that would ensue would be proportionately greater. The land fund of Otago would not go out of Otago. The land revenue would be expended in the province, and localised ; the revenues would he more fairly distributed if we had not provincial combinations. If the provinces were not abolished, the consolidated revenue would go towards the hungry provinces, and the rich ones would not get a fair share. He thought it best to have pure and single financial separation, but it was not attainable. They would not get twenty members to support it, uo matter who Otago or Christchurch might send as representatives. He considered, it his duty to protect the colonial credit, and that was why he thought it best to support tho abolition of the provinces before relegating the matter to the constituencies. He did not think that they would have to keep up the same number of officials under the new system of government as under the old. He thought they would be to blame if they allowed it. (Cheers). He thought it possible to govern the three islands in Wellington with local self-government, and he. was certain it would be done. He would not like to see the Upper House an elected body. If so it would continually be at a deadlock with the House of Representatives. The members should be nominated from tlie Lower House.

A motion to the following effect was carried by a large majority “While thanking Mr. Reynolds for his address, we regret that he supported the Government in the pressing of the .Abolition Bill before consulting his constituents.” An amendment thanking him for his address only was lost. The proceedings terminated at 11 o’clock. MR. MONTGOMERY AT AKAROA. Dir. Montgomery’s speech at Akaroa was clever and lucid. Speaking of the public debt, he said : —-“ Altogether, we may say in round numbers that the debt of the colony will be. £20,000,000. The interest and sinking fund of that amount will come to one million and fifty thousand pounds a year, and just think of that amount having to be sent out of the country to England every twelve months ! Do you think for one moment, gentlemen, that this is a matter which will not require serious consideration by those men who are to guide the destinies of this colony (Hear, hear, and cheers.) If all the proviuees were like Canterbury and Otago, there would not be much difficulty, because they are rich provinces, and the railways and other public works undertaken by them of a remunerative character ; but it is not so in the North Island. Railways have been made there which, by the report of the engineer, will not pay working expenses. It is perfectly hopeless to think, therefore, that they will pay interest and sinkinir fund. When we look at this state of things—when we think of the money that has been raised, and has yet to be raised—of the many public works which tlie people want to have done—l ask you is it not time that men should be returned to the Assembly who are entirely for the good of the whole colony, and not merely any portion of it in particular ? He then went on to object to superintendents being returned to tlie Assembly. The superintendents did not constitute a vigilant Opposition, because they enjoyed greater power and a more secure position than Ministers. But a vigilant Opposition was necessary. Mr. Montgomery continued : You will understand clearly that the cry of maladministration in the provinces I object to. In my opinion, provincial administration has been better than that of the Colonial Government, because in the provinces the people themselves watch the movements of the Government, but the General Government are not watched sufficiently by the leaders of the country, because they are employed in their own particular portions of it, and care little about taking office under the General Government. This creates a great difficulty iu dealing with colonial finance. I object to any paid officer being in the House, except on the Treasury Benches, because I don’t think it advisable that they should have a divided interest. I believe that all men should go into that House animated with a desire to do their very best for the good of the whole colony as a whole. Now, gentlemen, having arrived thus far, you will understand that I am for the abolition of the provincial form of government, and you will also dearly understand that I am entirely against the General Government or the (General Assembly interfering unduly in our local affairs. I want to see large general questions dealt with by the representatives of the people in the General Assembly, and I want to see local questions left in the hands of the people iu the various localities. I have already told you that tho Local Government Bill was not a Local Government Bill at all. My opinion is that it was a sham. I have heard addresses of candidates and read their speeches, but I have failed to discover any one of them putting forth even an idea as to what should take the place of those institutions which they were sweeping away. lam perfectly aware it is not considered a prudent thing for a politician to put anything forth at all. Therefore, what I am going to say may not be prudent as an individual candidate, hut it may be something at all events which may go to make a thought and give the people an idea of what one candidate thinks should he put in the place of those institutions which are being awe] it away. You are aware that the General Government proposed the amalgamation of two or more road boards for the constitution of shires. Up to "the present

time I have not heard much of the road boards in Canterbury amalgamating. I don’t expect that any law will have much effect if it depends on road boards combining together, and giving up their individuality. But I know they can co-operate for large works. This, however, would require a deliberate Act of the General Assembly to bring it about, and I will here shadow forth something of an outline of what, in my opinion, should take the place of provincial institutions. I would suggest that there should be a board of works, consisting of nine members, to be elected by the various road boards of the province ; that the board should have paid over to it, after deducting the cost of surveys, the land fund of the province—perhaps, in Canterbury there might be two boards, one for the District North, and the other for the District South, of the Rangitata. These boards, as I before remarked, should be elected by the various road boards, the latter preserving their individuality as now. I propose that the boards of works should have the control of the main roads of the province ; that they should appropriate money for the formation of new roads and for large works—such as the repairing of roads that have been washed away, the construction of culverts, and the erection of bridges ; that they should be enabled to make branch railways, and have power to borrow money within certain limits ; that after they have made provision for new roads and bridges, and for repairs caused by flood or landslips, they should then apportion the residue of the money to the various road boards. But to do this first of all would be commencing at the wrong end. Then, as to giving municipalities a portion of the revenue, that would be perfectly right, but not in the same proportion as the road boards. Perhaps the fairest way to act in the matter would be to give the municipalities sixpence for every shilling of rates collected, and the road boards shiling for shilling. If new municipalities were created, they should be treated in the same way as new road boards—they should have a grant of money to put them in proper condition. I know it is a hazardous thing to put forward a plan, but I venture to say that the plan which I have proposed is something better than the vague and misty Government Bill brought into' the Assembly during last session.” THE OPENING OF THE TONGAN PARLIAMENT. (From a Correspondent of the Melbourne Telegraph.) king george’.s speech. “My love to you. The chiefs of this Assembly from Maabai, Vavau, and the Minas, the chiefs of the ancient nobles and the modern nobles—my love to yon. “ It is right we should first of all praise God, in that He has spared our lives, and brought us to this Assembly. Long have we been hoping to meet thus.'

“ I am grateful likewise for this, that no destructive sickness has come upon ns as upon Fiji, for if so, who can say we should have thus met to-day in such happy circumstances ?

“ When I heard of the great sickness which had come upon Fiji and other countries, I set up a law, as in civilised countries, that a health officer should be appointed to visit all ships arriving. The Government secretary not being at hope, I requested the Rev. S. W. Baker to write to my representatives in Sydney that they acquaint the chiefs of Sydney with this law, from whom I have received a favorable reply. I wrote to the chiefs of New Zealand, and they replied favorably. The British and German consuls in Samoa replied in the same way. I feel thankful to them all that they have united with me in trying to ward off the measles from our country. And I thank God that He has sheltered us from this sickness up to the present time. “ Since our last Parliament in Vavau, Fiji has become a part of the British Empire. It is quite true we had possessions in Fiji; but it is a long time since I gave them up, and now that Britannia lias taken Fiji, I am glad that we are not embroiled in any difficulty with England.

“ We have heard that Samoa belongs some how to America, but how we cannot under stand.

“ I rejoice that we are still free, that we are not entangled with any great kingdom, but are at peace with all. And we are at peace likewise amongst ourselves. And our way is clear to. go forward in the path of civilization, wisdom, religion, and truth.

“Since our Parliament in Vavau, I have instituted a Tongan crest and motto. Communications concerning this have been sent to some of the nations, that they -may know our coat of arms. The motto is, c God and Tonga are my portion.’

“ I have likewise set up a national flag, and it is my mind that this Hag shall be the King of Tonga’s flag for ever.

“ Since our last Parliament, Mr. Baker, when he returned from Sydney, brought us a gift from the New South Wales Government of a copy of all their laws. I thank that Government for its present. The gift is a valuable one. I have received two letters from the Premier of Sydney, and in thus taking notice of our little country it is right we should feel grateful that we are beginning to lie known amongst the families of nations.'” “Since our last Parliament I have likewise set up a law that intoxicants shall bo taxed. I have done this because it is my desire that the Tonguese shall not become drinkers of spirits. It is a thing in which we ought to rejoice that there is not a house in the whole of this kingdom where intoxicants are sold. Oh, may It ever be so. Should it not bo so, then I say it will be the destruction of the Tongan people. “There is another thing about which we ought to rejoice in Tonga, it is the increase of tlie wealth of our country. The produce shipped away from our country during the last four mouths amounts to 159,500d01. There is not one of us, perhaps, but feels surprised at the number of vessels coming to our land. There is another ttibing in which I rejoice.

and that is, the increase of our population. This looks like something new in our laud. The reason for it is that the people are keeping cleaner homes, and eating more wholesome food. Yes, this is the reason why fewer die and more are born. The increase of population has been one in every hundred. May it please God thus to bless Tonga even more abundantly, that the time may be near when the people of Tonga will he many, for the people of Tonga belong to the Lord. Aud there is another thing about which we ought to rejoice, for although there are two churches in this land—l and my family belong to the Wesleyan Church—during this year a new state of things lias been introduced. Our church here has become in all respects like a church in Sydney, and a part of the entire Wesleyan Church found all over the world. Quite true ; perhaps we shall lie called upon to do more, but whose work is it ( Is it not ours, and is it not our church '!

I have likewise instituted a savings bank, and its. worth has already appeared. °As yet not a single shilling has been lost, while the Government has derived benefit from it. Ihe trustees of the bank desired me to give the bank a legal position, and because I have done so by signing my name as King, the bank has been opened, and found to lie a great benefit.

“ We have built several Government buildings, Government printing office, and courthouse. We have also purchased the ship I anfaahau, and one thing that I am glad about is, that although we have been expending money in this way, when the Tanfaahau left Sydney we were free from all debt. We are not in debt to any land. “ A day has been set apart to open the Parliament of Tonga. I say that never since the Parliament of 1802, when the people were set i ree from serfdom, lias there been a Parliament so important as this one. 1 thank God that He has spared my life to see these days, and it is my heart’s desire to see my land become a recognised Government. I feel that I am getting old ; if it be tlie will of God. Ino cry of my heart is that I may finish the work I have begun. The people are free. Our church is self-supporting and self-govern-ing. I earnestly desire that we may become a Constitutional Government.

“ And now I will speak at once to the reasons why we are here. This is the opening of Parliament. I have called you together that you may discuss the new Constitution to be introduced —a Constitution which relates to the governing of our land. You know how it has been. I alone have governed. My mind was law ; it lias been with me to choose those who shall enter Parliament, and those who shall be chiefs. I have had the power of taking away, and of conferring titles. That was becoming a time of darkness, but now we are living in the age of light, and it is my mind to give a Constitution to Tonga, and that I govern according to that Constitution, and they who follow me shall do likewise, and this Constitution shall be the foundation-stone of Tonga for ever.

“ When this Constitution shall have been received, it will become the new testament of liberty to tlie people of Tonga for ever. O that it may come to pass, this great blessing, for by it (the Constitution) we shall be able to boast of our liberty, like the Romans in olden times, and Brittannia of to-day. “ The Constitution decides that the laws of the land shall be binding upon all alike, foreigners and natives. No tax shall he laid upon foreigners from which the Tonguese shall be exempt. This is one tiling it is right to speak about, the peace fid manner in which we and foreigners live together ; and I think that in all the islands of these seas, that there are not more respectable foreigners than those which reside in our midst, and I thank them for being obedient to the laws of this land.

“And in the Constitution are the regulations concerning the conducting of Pavlia : mentary business. Those who are called into the Parliament will be styled the nobles of tlie land; their position and title will be henceforth hereditary. It will likewise be given to tlie people to choose their own men. and send them as their representatives to Parliament. “It is decided that there shall be one Minister who shall represent me in Parliament—the Premier. With him will he the business of the kingdom. A Minister of Finance, a Minister of Lands, and a Minister of Justice ; with the latter will be the laws of the country. When they shall have understood their work and tlie nature of the Constitution, and act accordingly, the business of the country will go on well. “It is provided in the Constitution that some chiefs shall assist me in the difficult business. If a difficult thing arise I will consult them, aud their decision shall be final. “ It is likewise decided in the Constitution to make changes in our courts of law, for we know that the strength of a kingdom rests in tlie dispensing of justice. If weak in this, then will the kingdom he weak. It is decided that there shall lie one chief court—courts of districts and police courts—and in thus dividing the courts I hope that justice will he carried out as is good, important, and lasting, and that our dispensing of justice will become a thin«- to be proud of in all Tonga.

“ There is another tiling it is right to speak about. It is with reference to our land. It is true that this question is not found in the Constitutions of the various Governments, but we, in this, act differently from other nations. There has not yet been sold tlui least bit of land in the whole of Tonga, hence wo are so well as we are to-day. In the Constitution I have made it imperative to set up a law that it is positively tabu (forbidden) to sell any hind by a Tongan for ever. Although it is thus, it appears to me right to place in tlie Constitution the privilege of leasing lands by the Government. You know now this is the law of Tonga that this granting leases rests with me. This is evident to me not to be right. I have, therefore, decided that all chiefs now holding land rightly shall remain in their possession, and the possession of their pos-

terity for ever; and that they shall have the privilege of leasing their land to foreigners or Tonguese, and to them shall belong all moneys from such lands. In future, I shall not make chiefs whom I like, hut title of chieftainship, and title to land, shall descend from father to son for ever. In future an adopted child will have no right to title and land, only tlie children of marriage. Should there arise a dispute, then let the judges of the land decide what is right, as it is amongst civilised nations. You who are the chiefs of Tonga now, to you and your children born in wedlock, will belong your titles and land for ever, as it is written in the Constitution.

“In order to carry out the new state of affairs under the Constitution there is a matter I wish to speak about, viz., the increasing of our revenue. It is evident to me it will not bo wise to increase to any extent the poll-tax of the people, or the duty upon imported goods. If we put a heavy duty upon goods—upon whom will it fall hut upon us ? Therefore let the importation of goods he free, save intoxicants ; let them still he taxed as now. I can see we shall be able to carry on the business of the Government if all the lands upon which the towns are erected shall be leased by the Government to the people, aud tlie Government receive the rents ; but tlie lands other than those sites of the townships now belonging to the chiefs, shall belong to the chiefs as before expressed, and they shall receive all moneys therefrom on account of rents. This will increase the revenue without falling heavily on any one. Other measures will be brought forward, but nothing will lie done to burden any one, for there is nothing that pleases me more than to see the country prospering in business and getting rich. “ We shall not meddle with the present laws of the land unless they do not harmonise with the Constitution. The decisions of the quarterly meeting of chiefs will be discarded, and the Parliament will rule. When the Constitution shall have been received, the Parliament will see to the putting right of the laws in this our country.

“ Another thing I will speak to, and that is the laws that have reference to the lotu. We cannot interfere with them. We cannot give State aid to religion as in England and some other countries, but we can personally assist, as we do now, so let it be.

“ The matter affecting the week-day schools. It is right that we should have the government of the schools in our hands, and also the college. A measure will be introduced into Parliament to increase the Government grant to schools. This measure will have reference to other matters in connection with the schools. The measure will be brought into Parliament, you can then discuss it.

“A document will be brought into Parliament as to the leasing of lands as a copy upon which other leases may be given. “ Another measure will be brought forward having reference to tlie better clothing of the. lieople—the throwing aside entirely our native cloth for better material. In this act slowly, that no one be injured in any way thereby. “And now it is rather difficult for me to speak, but I want you all to know who shall be my successor. You know that it was the mind of us all that Vuna should take my place ; but God has been pleased to take him, and He, is holy in his doings. Ido not murmur, for it is the work of God. (Vuna was the only legitimate son of King George of Tonga.

“ Therefore I said in my heart, Maafu shall he my successor, this shall lie his appointment; but I can see if the appointment of king is to change from family to family, so it will be with you and your positions ; therefore, this is my mind—that my position and your positions shall descend from father to child ; if not so, then I can see there will be no stability in anything. _ Then there is this. Maafu has now a position in the kingdom of Britannia in Fiji, and I say that Maafu will not act contrary to my wishes ; he will not act without love to Tonga, by causing discord. “ I therefore decided that my successor shall be Uga (illegitimate son of the king), and after him his eldest son Gu, and after him his children. Should it come to pass that there are no descendants of Uga to take the crown, it will then go to Maafu aud his children, and if he have not any children, then let tlie Parliament elect a king according to the Constitution.

“ Friends, I have now made known to you what is in my mind. With you will be 'the prosperity of the country—its happiness or misery. Qh that the Lord may be with you to direct and bless you in the work you have met to do.

“ William Tugi will take tlie chair of your Assembly. Tenta Uga will bring in the writing of the Constitution, and the measures to be bi ought forward, and answer any questions you may wish to put. “ Therefore, 1 now declare the Parliament to lie opened. Your first meeting will lie the Thursday of next week. “ My Love to You.”