THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. SATURDAY, APRIL 18, 1925. THE STATE OF GERMANY.

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXII, Issue 18996, 18 April 1925, Page 8

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. SATURDAY, APRIL 18, 1925. THE STATE OF GERMANY.

Germany struggling to make the machinery of democratic government work is ono of the most interesting spectacles in Europe, or indeed in the world, to-day. A presidential election is under way. The first ballot was held on March 2D. As no one of the long list of candidates offering obtained an absolute majority, a second ballot is to be held on April 26. The exact issues at stake are confused and confusing. Without attempting any detailed analysis, it may be said that the lack of clean-cut political organisation, and the absenco of comprehensive policies for submission to the electorate, illustrate how far the Germans still are from responding to that form of political ' organisation embraced instinctively i by British communities whenever they obtain a representative system, and illustrated equally n well by the public affairs of the 3 United States. There has been no popular vote for President previously. Herr Ebert, who held office from the hectic days of 1019 to his death on February 28, was appointed . by .the National Assembly, on the understanding that an election would bo held later. Several times he asked for the constitutional course to be followed, but action . was postal poned on one plea or another. It had i* been decided that an election should be held in June. Though the time was drawing near, though Herr Ebert had decided he would not be a candidate, his death found. Germany curiously unprepared for the task of choosing a successor. The electoral machinery had been designed, but the motive power to make it work, a decided and concentrated public opinion, was obviously lacking. The voting strength was dissipated among seven candidates, and at the polls votes were cast for candidates who had not been nominated. The fact is that in Germany to-day, as shown by all evidence, popular interest is concentrated on questions which do not usually appear in ordinary politics. It has i been stated that there is but one point on J which the whole nation is united, repudiation of that admission of war guilt contained in the Treaty of Versailles. Otherwise, there is a main division of feeling in the people, who 5 for convenience are divided by most 3 commentators into Monarchists and Republicans. The existence and progress of sentiment in favour of a monarchy, of the old type, or more limited in power, is a matter which, 1 at first glance, should concern only the German people. Europe in general and especially France do not view it in this light. It is believed that monarchical sentiment, militarism, and the longing for a war of revenge march hand in hand. Some of those who speak for the monarchists do little to allay the sus--1 picion. Ludendorff, who has been prominent among them, has frequently protested against the disarmament of Germany. He, however, is palpably a discredited man. Commentators have said so, ; and his lowly position on the presidential voting list confirms the view. Republicanism and militarist sentiment are not necessarily incompatible, but the association of ' monarchist aims and military ambition is usually believed to be correct. If that be so,',the prospect of the final choice of President is reas- ' suring, for it is believed that a combination of Republicans will gain the day against the forces of the Right, typified by Herr Jarres, who the poll at the first vote. As bearing on . the general situation it is interesting to note that the fortunes oz the German Fascists—calling themselves the National Freedom Party and later the National Socialist Party—are at a low, ebb, no success having been gained in the Reichstag elections of May and December last year. Confused though the issues may be, the most probable prospect seems that with whatever policy Germany faces the world, it will bo as a Republic, not a restored Monarchy, Whether the country is to be more formidable as a potential militarist power or a great industrial force, the next few years should show. A life quite apart from politics seems to be lived by Germany as an industrial and commercial community. The various .stories tpld about the industrial situation are as ; diverse as those concerning the military preparations and resources said to be hidden beneath an appearance i of peacefulness. Germany bled 1 white by the exactions of the Treaty ] of Versailles, well on the way to ] national . bankruptcy and ultimate ] Bolshevism, was a bogey held high j before Europe for a long time. It j was associated with circumstantial a accounts of starvation among the i populace. On the other side were I repeated warnings that German in- r . dustry was preparing a mass often- c sive to be launched at the appropri- { ate time, by which unemployment c was to be spread broadcast in other f countries. There was no doubt the ( factories were working, though the i

finances of the country W&ra m chaos. It was undeniable that | many people, especially those of fixed income, suffered acute distress, though opulent Germans could be found enjoying themselves at all the pleasure resorts of Europe. With a currency inflated to comic opera degree, liquid assets were a dangerous form of wealth. Real property, land, buildings, industrial plant, accumulated stocks, and foreign 3 securities wero unaffected, and the t resourceful turned all their wealth ; into some such form. As a result, ! industrial concerns emerged from the j period with strength unimpaired. It has been shown that since the currency was stabilised foreign capital ' has offered freely to German indus--3 try. The lenders realised that, how--5 over low tho monetary resources of ( the borrowers, their fixed assets assured solvency. Therefore loans 1 were forthcoming and industry is • rapidly securing its position. These [ are some of tho features of the Ger- : many of to-day. The trend of evidence is that, however unstable its politics, its economic structure is ! solid enough. A natural consequence ! should be the stabilisation of govern- > ment in some form or another. . Whether the Germans, .very slow to L learn this lesson, will evolve a system appealing to a good democrat is another question. Tho presidential elections may bring nearer the answer which must .be furnished • some da}\