THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, JUNE 19, 1922. IRELAND'S NEW CHARTER.

New Zealand Herald, Volume LIX, Issue 18120, 19 June 1922, Page 6

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, JUNE 19, 1922. IRELAND'S NEW CHARTER.

■ m* Coincident with the appearance o the Constitution of the Irish Fre State, the election of its Parliamen is proceeding. The only informatioi yet available about the progress o the election is that the voters an somewhat apathetic. This is rathe surprising, and is to be deplored The hint of aggressive action by thi irreooncilables is, unfortunately, no so unexpected. The Parliament nov to be elected is to consider the Con I stitution and the ueaty with whicl I it is coupled. For that reason th< I return of the best men possible i: j of vital importance. An examina j tion in dotail of the Constitutor i shows that there are possibilities oi j trouble already, without any new i factor such as the election maj 1 introduce if too much is permitted i to go by default. Through all th< negotiations of past years the mosl noticeable feature has been the diffi I culty, often the impossibility, oi ; reaching a compromise in Irish j affairs. Faction has opposed faction. I neither being willing to yield am I essential point. This was eppeciallj ' the case in the Convention at 1918. Provisions in both treaty and Con- ! stitution show signs of being framed ; in the shadow of this difficulty, j There is also evidence in the Constitution of a desire to reduce every- ; thing to written formula. Tb ? ' opening articles state that " the ! Irish Free State is a co-equal mem- . ber of the "community of nations forming the British Commonwealth." Later it reduces to definite j written form many essentials of free j citizenship which in other parts of I the Empire are taken as universal i and inviolable, even if unwritten, j In the present state of Ireland, in ; the light of the national psychology, : that may be necessary. But it must ; be remembered always that while | the written word defines, it also limits. All these things might be left to be adjusted in time, and in the light of experience. But it is impossible to forget the presence in Ireland of minorities, sharply divided from the remainder of their fellow-countrymen. In their fate Britain and the Empire are peculiarly interested. It is important, therefore, to examine the Constitution for possible flaws, with an eye to the position of the minorities, and the bearing of the whole issue on the solidarity of the Empire in thought and in deed. Proportional representation, it will be claimed, provides that minorities will be able to make their voices heard in Parliament. So far as the Chamber of Deputies is concerned, that is so, provided the electorates are rightly defined. Thß cabled summary of the Constitution gives no hint whai they will be. With the Senate 'a different position arises. The Southern Unionists have expressed disappointment with the Senate scheme, indicating a preference for the nomination system given in the Act o£ 1920. They appear to have cause for complaint. ThiJ Sepate also is to be elected on the proportional representation system, with a nominated panel. The Chamber of Deputies is to choose two-thirds of the candidates, the Senate itself the remainder. What would be the position if feeling ran high, and one body of opinion commanded a majority in both Chambers—not an unlikely condition? Ho representative of the minority might gain appointment to the panel, and a section of the people would, in effect, be completely disfranchised at the elections for the Senate. The initiative and referendum are provided, but neither will offer much consolation .po a minority in times of sharp division of opinion. These things are important, since the ultimate objective is assumed to be the unification of Ireland by consent. How will Ulster regard such clauses 1 Going another step, it may be asked how Ulster will regard the control by the Free State Parliament of money Bills, and virtually all taxation, when customs and excise proved an insurmountable obstacle at the 1918 Convention. Neither can the North be expected to view with equanimity the unfettered control over military forces given to the Free State Parliament. Another point, less important yet significant, may be noted. In the endeavour to foster national feeling the adoption of two languages as official is likely to have been strongly pressed by the Irish- delegates. It seems perfectly innocuous. A high authority has noted, however, that the Celtic revival; founded on sentimental affection, soon lent itself to propaganda; that articles and poems in its name gave the colour .of romance to revolution ; and that Gaelic clubs gave facilities for secret drilling. What has occurred once may occur again. No one will grudge the Irishman the right to speak the tongue of his fathers, but its cultivation should be an end in itself, and not be debased into a means to an end perhaps not so innocent. Factors, small in themselves, gather weight when it is considered how Ulster views them. Some of thej,e minor issues may act on the North as pin-pricks. The new and strange Constitution as a whole may possibly result in separating the North from the remainder of Ireland more sharply than would a form of Government more on the model of others working smoothly under the British flag. Could all disquietude over Ulster be removed, the Dominions generally could afford to welcome the new Constitution, however conscious they might be of dubious clauses. There are one or two directions in which they, individually and collectively, are concerned. Any scheme however promising must be examined for its bearing upon the solidarity and homogeneity of the Empire. So long as the new Ireland recognises adequately that equal partnership carries obligations as well as privileges all will be well. A clause in the Constitution strikes a doubtful note. Consent of the

Parliament of Ireland mnst be given, it says, before the State participates ) actively in any war. This is usiasual. When Britain goes to war the* whole Empire is involved in the sense thai no State of the Empire can be neutral, but each can decide for itseli whether it is to be an " active " participant in the war. Every Dominion Parliament has the right to refuse supplies, but no Dominion has felt it necessary to express its f limiting powers in the clear-cut e terms of the new Irish Constitution, t This, however, may be nnerely an y aggressive instance of reducing the £ Constitution to formula. There remains the possibility of the Irish 3 Parliament legislating in a manner r detrimentally to affect the rights of . citizens of other parts of the Empire. j This applies especially to Britain, t because of the proximity of the two countries, the investment of British 7 capital in Ireland, and the ultimate " commercial and financial relations 1 j existing. It would appear to be 31 necessary in this connection to 3 ' arrive at a clear understanding, and . I an agreed method, by which such a k | position may be met, whether by the . j reservation of measures for the : | Royal assert or otherwise. This i point concerns not Ireland alone, but ' all the Dominions, more particularly i |in view of the claims of constitu- > tional rights put forward by Canada ; and South Africa. But with all details- laid aside, it may be. con- ; ceded that what the Empire in general asks is that the Parliament of the Irish Free State shall so bear . itself that Ireland shall be wellgoverned and prosperous and tl-.e Empire peaceful and united. Given that, Ireland may work out her problems as she will, with the goodwill of every unit of which the Empire is composed.