THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, MAY 29, 1911. "IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT OF DEFENCE."

New Zealand Herald, Volume XLVIII, Issue 14692, 29 May 1911, Page 6

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, MAY 29, 1911. "IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT OF DEFENCE."

When the creation of a representative and legislative body, to deal authoritatively with great Imperial questions, was first promulgated by Sir Joseph Ward, the Herald pointed out the fundamental weaknesses of the proposition, and the impracticability of establishing such, an authority until the relative positions of the colonics and the Mother Country were much more equal than they are at present. The reception offered at the Imperial Conference 'to Sir Joseph Ward's proposal for the establishment of what he terms an " Imperial Parliament of Defence," substantiates our view. At the same time, the Imperialist movement is indebted to our New Zealand Prime Minister for laying down a tangible and definite proposition, the effect of which must be to precipitate into conereteness whatever hazy and nebulous schemes are now held in solution. Sir Joseph's scheme was primitive in the extreme, and made no attempt whatever to deal with obvious difficulties—but we do not think that this was a great disadvantage, for it was foredoomed to rejection, and could not have escaped this fate had it been designed by a modern Mentor for our Imperial Telemachus. Practically, it would have transformed the self-governing regions of the Empire, the provinces which are now distinguished as "the British Dominions," into a vast electorate, of which every 200,000 persons would return a delegate to an Imperial Parliament of Defence; with the consistent inconsistency of modern democracy this representative parliament would

have been presided over by an Imperial Council containing two delegates from each of the six selfgoverning areas—the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand, and Newfoundland. A parliamentary scheme would bo more practical of course if its representative unit wore much larger, with representation, by act of grace, to minor bodies and limitation of representation, by generous concession, to larger bodies. We might thus have an " Imperial Parliament" of 50 members, giving the United Kingdom a maximum of 30 and Newfoundland the minimum of one, while the other Dominions received one member for every half-million of population; or we might have an Imperial Council less rigidly organised, with the Dominions represented in approximate proportion to their relative importance, and the United Kingdom holding the presidency, with a presidential right of veto.- But all this representativeness involves the idea of legislative authority, whereas it does not matter whether an advisory council is representative or not.

The time will probably comeperhaps sooner, perhaps • later, than many suppose—when an Imperial Legislature will make supreme law for all the British, levy Imperial revenue, and decide upon Imperial action. If New Zealand had attached itself ■to the Commonwealth, its fiscal duties would to-day be levied by the Federal Government sitting at Melbourne; if the progress of events drives New Zealand into the friendly arms of the United States, as Sir Robert Stout considers possible, its fiscal duties may be levied at the behest of tho Federal authority enshrined at Washington. So that there is nothing politically impracticable in the levying of a " defence tax" decided upon in London, provided we agree beforehand to give the right of levy to an Imperial authority. The difficulty, in our opinion, lies much deeper than this, being rooted in the profound truth that Empires grow and are not made. It is quite impossible to compare accurately the military strength of our various British Dominions, but undoubtedly our main strength lies in our power of appeal to the blood, bone, and sinew of our forty-five millions of fellow-countrymen at Home. In spite of misunderstanding, indifference, and ignorance they believe in us and in our future, and they can be relied upon to sympathise with every claim which requires of them emotional and passionate response, rather than sustained consideration. In ourselves and of ourselves, wo colonials are woefully weak and defenceless, nor can our utmost efforts place us upon an equality with comparatively weak Asiatic and European Powers. Sir Joseph Ward sees this more clearly than other colonial statesmen, and in the future of the historians his perception will assuredly be counted to him for political righteousness. It is this insight which induces him to strain every nerve to strengthen the Imperial Navy, and which made him advance for consideration his scheme for the immediate formation of an " Imperial Parliament of Defence." But Australia and Canada want their own navies and South Africa is still jealous of her autonomy. Moreover the United Kingdom is naturally and properly reluctant to abandon sole control of Imperial affairs, particularly as she has reason to be distrustful of her colonies paying the price. Consequently and inevitably the " Imperial Parliament" proposal has failed to secure support at the Conference. But we venture to predict that it I has served a purpose hardly less desirable, and much more practicable than the one aimed at. It has brought home to the hearts and thoughts of every citizen of the Empire a worthy conception. They see that while our rulers hesitate and dawdle over the formal establishment of an Imperial Council, at which Dominion representatives may j consult confidentially with Imperial statesmen, and as confidentially advise them, the. thought is already afloat of a true " Imperial' Parliament" by which both Colonial Office and War Office will be swept and garnished. Sir Joseph Ward has been premature in his proposal, and we cannot regard his scheme as immediately practical, but we sympathise heartily with his hopes, congratulate him upon his courage, and recognise that by his action he has brought an Advisory Council within close reach.