THE PREMIERS DEFENCE OF HIS POLICY.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXVIII, Issue 8692, 8 October 1891, Page 5

THE PREMIERS DEFENCE OF HIS POLICY.

MR. BALT,ANOE AT WANGANUI. [BY TKLIiORAI'H.—PRESS ASSOCIATION.) ' WA.voAN'ci, Wednesday. Mr. BaixancE addressed a large meeting of his constituents to-night, and was well received. He said he proposed to deal with the work of the session. It had been said by a powerful paper in Australia, and by critics nearer home, that nothing had been done during the session, and that never had there ' been a greater contrast between promises and performances. But on the other hand they had other critics declaring that a groat deal had been done, and that much that had • been done was mischievous. Criticism from these two points of view was to some extent ;mutually destructive, but he held that a great deal had been done during the session, and what had been done went entirely in the right direction. He went over the history of events from the time of the last election, when the Government majority was said to be doubtful, and wlieu the party then in power declaring that they had the support of the largest section of the House put six out of the ablest mon of the Conservative party in the Council to thwart legislation which it was feared would bo proposed, and related what had been done in the formation of the new Government. There was no difficulty in' forming the Government because the colleagues he chose wero leading members of the party, but it was natural when there wero twelve men, each of whom thought he was capable of holding office, and ought to bo appointed, that there must be considerable disappointment on the part of those who were not When there were twelve candidates for six offices there must be naturally disappointment, and it was not unnatural that some of the disappointed ones should either at once go into opposition or endeavour to form a middle party. He did not complain of the action oil tho part of certain individuals, and he was glad to say there were 110 serious defections, and no tendency on the liarfc of any considerable number of the 'Ministerial party to leave the Government. He referred to the short recess which had been secured as necessary to enable Ministers to draw together the heads and threads of their policy, and said also that during the short recess substantial retrenchments were effected.

•TRAVELLING EXPENSES AND RETRENCHMENT. It had been said that Ministers had been extravagant in travelling expenses, bat what would have been said if, having a great policy on the stocks, they had not made the beat use of the time at their disposal to go about the country and see before definitely j deciding what were the wants of the country. He especially defended the Minister of Public Works, who had not spared himself in his efforts to ascertain the actual wants of the country before he brought his proposals down. The total animal expenditure of the country was about four millions a-year, and it was absurd to couipiaiu of the expenditure of £700 incurred in getting information for framing a policy which would bo satisfactory to the people at large. The Treasury return showed that during the short recess Ministers had dispensed with 101 persons, most of them in the Public Works Department, and the Estimates they brought down, leaving out tho railways, which were not under the control of the Government, and the Post Office, which was under permanent appropriation, showed a savins of £-11.358 as compared with the appropriation of 1 SIX). It was said that while in opposition the present Government party hud demanded retrenchment, but as soon us they got on the Government benches themselves, tlioy restored the salaries they had cut down. The tact was that, ill the session of 1890,' they had cut down the Estimates by £41,000, while the salaries restored did not amount to more than £600, and _ for those restorations ' there were special reasons which had been given to the House. The late Government ran away from their Estimates. Reductions were

constantly made. The present Government had framed their Estimates with such care, and had justified them so completely, that not one single material reduction was made in the Government Estimates by the House ; a thing that had never occurred before in the history of the Parliament of New Zealand. The reason was that the Estimates were so economically framed that there was no possibility of making any reduction, and that the Government had, not been shown to havo been extravagant in one single instance. It was true that the Supplementary Estimates were larger than usual, but this was not by reason of votes asked tor to pay salaries, but to meet charges which had been incurred by the previous administration and not provided tor, and which, had not come to the knowledge of the Government when making up the Goneral Estimates, or else to provide for matters which the House had ordered to be provided for. Belonging to the first category was an item of £20,030 for munitions of war, and in the latter there were included bonuses for the manufacture of steel and for the manufacture of salt, a vote for the Chicago Exhibition, and other things of that sort. There was also included on the Supplementary Estimates money for buildings for the Insurance Department, which will pay five per cent, interest on cost. Referring back to the question of travelling expenses of .Ministers, he said that Ministers had not exceeded, and would not exceed, the limit which Parliament had fixed at £1000, which had been fixed as a reasonable limit for travelling expenses.

THE GOVERNMENT MEASURES. He claimed that Ministers had brought down and passed many most important measures. Referring to the Land and Income Tax Bill he thought it would be admitted that the abolition of the property tax and the passage of that measure alone would have redeemed any session from the charge of barrenness. The Legislative Council Bill was almost a revolutionary measure, in that it abolished the life tenure and fixed appointments at seven years, a far more radical reform than the creation of an elective Council, because it retained in the hands of the representatives of the people the power of nominating members of the Council, and would compel members of the Council who wished for re-appointment to study the wishes of the people. The measure which had provided for the expenditure of 0,000 for roads and bridges to open tip " Crown lands was also a most important measure. Tho Government and the Lower House was also entitled to credit for having passed the Land Bill and the Electoral Bill, but these i Bills were lost owing to the attitude of the | Legislative Council, which emasculated both those measures, and was so firm in the j position it took up that the Bills had to be dropped- The Post Olfice Bill, which had been passed, would be of immense advantage to the people of the colony as a whole, lie had information which led him to believe that within the next five years there would be a penny post throughout the British Empire, and this colony was justified in the action it had taken, especially as there was every reason to believe the revenue lost would be recouped. These were the principal policy Bills of the Government, and the manner in which they had been brought forward and passed showed that the Government did not shrink from carrying out the policy lie had put before the country. There 'hud been many so-called reforms attempted and carried.? The Public Trust Office had been reformed ; the Government had taken over liabilities of the mistakes of the past; the Office would be placed on a good footing for the future. The Factories Bill was a measure of firstrate importance to the labouring classes of the colony, and so was the Truck Bill and the Employers Liability Bill, but he regretted the Shop Hours Bill did not get through the Council. Good work-hud also been done in consolidating and amending the existing law, and under this heading he grouped the Auctioneers Bill, the Partnership Bill, tho Public Revenues Bill, tho Mining Bill, and the Coal Miners Bill. In no other session could any Government show a series of performances of greater or even similar magnitude. . PURCHASES OF NATIVE I.AND. There had not been time to pass the Native Land Bill, but the Government had been going on with the purchase of native land with extraordinary vigour. During the few mouths it been in olßce it hud purchased 85,000 acres, nearly all fit for agricultural settlement, whereas the late Government during the whole term of office had only purchased 63,000 acres. The Government had received applications from special settle! for nearly all the land they had purchased. They had received applications from twenty-five associations representing a thousand members. The demand for land could not have been accommodated unless the. Government had purchased this land. Much as he claimed the Government had done during the time they had been in office they would do much more if they retained the confidence of the people. It was unreasonable to expect a Government in one session or in a few months to carry out what was the policy of the whole Parliament." - / ' ' : THE FRIENDLY SOCIETIES BILL. He referred to the Friendly Society's Bill which was introduced by Sir George Grey, and supported by the Government. A system of I'riendly Society was being.started by employers, which would give employers a groat advantage over employees, and tend to destroy the . existing Friendly . Societies. This Bill was introduced to secure freedom , to all men, and though passed by the Lower House, its overwhelming defeat in the Coun-

cil was -not unexpected, for great influence on behalf of a certain company was there used against it. Whoa .the Council .was. thoroughly reformed the measure .would be tried again.

THE FEMALE FRANCHISE. Referring to the fenialo franchise.' he regretted that the clauso in the -Bill deferring its operation until after the next election was not retained, because if it had been the Bui would probably luivo passed, and history showed that once a measure was placed upon the Statute Book ,it was not usually repealed. THE GOVERNMENT AND BORROWING. As to borrowing, the position he had takon • up at the general election he had not once departed from. It would not be safe for this country to go into the . home money market for some years. It would .injure our credit, and do no good to ourselves: Money was wanted for the purpose of carrying on important works, and settling-' peoplo upon the land ; but the money wanted could be provided in the colony itself, and obtained at a reasonable rate of interest. He was far from saying that the work of settlement could be stopped, and nothing in his opinion would bo more disastrous to the country than the stoppage of the execution of all works. People were now leaving the country for want of employment, and many people were clamouring to go upon, the f laud,- and Were stopped from doing so for the want of roads ana bridges. It wai absolutely, impossible that we could stand still in these "matters. j The colony must go ahead or must retrograde, and he held that wo must continue to go ahead though our progress must be slower, and we must use the money raised amongst ourselves with care, and sfco that it was expended only upon reproductive works and aids to settlement, which were absolutely essential to the progress of the. country, Keeping within these safe lines, he maintained we. must borrow. He . ridiculed the idea that conversion was Wesli borrowing, and said that although the accumulated sinking fund was being used for public works, purposes it was being so used under an Act of the General Assembly which had been passed some years ago, so that it was in no respect a fresh departure. : THE BRYCE EPISODE. As to the Bryce episodo ho regretted very much what had taken place, but he contended that Mr. Bryce was wholly in fault. He had by hie action in saying that he would not withdraw words which • had . been declared by the Speaker as unparliamentary acted in complete defiance of the chair. He had not only refused to withdraw, but had said he would not follow the example of some members who withdrew words in the letter but not in the spirit, and said definitely he would not withdraw, and lie would take the consequences. That was why the parliamentary course was followed of having the words taken down, and the other proceedings followed as a matter of course. The House

had taken the very mildest course open to it. The Speaker had been accused of weakness but not of partiality, and his statement was on record as an authoritative account of what had occurred. The Speaker had also taken every means open to him to bring about a reconciliation, and when he (Mr. Bullanee) asked for a short adjournment to enable overtures for a reconciliation to proceed the Speaker's offer and the Government's proposal for an adjournment were met ?<y Air. Roileston handing in the resignation. His instructions from Mr. Bryce had apparently been so imperative that he was not able to hold the resignation back. Mr. Bryce had been led aWay by a morbid sense of his own position, and what he considered was due to himself, and lie was led on from one step to another until he placed himself in an entirely false position. Mr. Bryce had no one to blame but himself for what had occurred. While he (Mr. B&Uancc) regretted very much what had occurred, the laws of Parliament must be obeyed, and he accepted himself 110 responsibility for what had happened, aad ridiculed the idea that ho had in any respect desired or contrived the retirement of Mr. Bryce from the House.

THE PAYMENT OF MEMBERS BILL. As to the Payment of Members Bill, a great deal had been said in criticism of the Government on this subject. Everyone admitted that there should be payment of members. The question was as to whether £210 a year was too much. He held that the proposal of the Government waa not more than sufficient to enable , working men to leave their trades and come up to Parliament, and the proposal to pay the money monthly, if carried out, would got rid of all questions of extra payment of two sessions in a year. The payment would be the same if there were two sessions or three sessions, and he thought the proposal of tho Government was reasonable. Every election seemed to show to'.him the increasing importance of the power of wealth. Ten years ago an election would have been fought for half -the amount it now cost, and, moreover, in large districts members had greater responsibility and work, and lie held that unless members were paid for the work done out of session, which was very considerable, as well as for the work during the session, there could not be satisfactory representation of the people. In Victoria and New South Wales the payment was £309 a year; and at home, where the value of monev was greater, the rate of payment proposed ranged from £300 as a minimum to £1000 as a maximum, and would no doubt be fixed at a sum between those two amounts. The question must be faced unless the people were prepared to forfeit their right of representation. If there was not sufficient payment to members the power of the legislation would pass into the hands of those who possessed money bags and broad acres, and legislation would be in the interests of that class. .. OLD SOLDI LAND CLAIMS. ,/ Speaking of the Naval and Military Settlers Bill, lie attributed the failure of the measure in giving complete satisfaction to the amendments made by the Legislative Council, and said that in consequence of the Legislative Council having refused power for the transfer of scrip the Government had under consideration the advisability of paying in, cash the awards to older men who could not possibly to go upon the land personally, and he hoped the matter would be settled in the course of a few days.

LAM) TAXATION. As to the taxation proposals of the Government, they made an enormous concession to bona tide farmers in taking oft'the taxation on improvements below i'tfUOO, while on the other hand people who had more than £3000 of improvements were well able to pay their share of taxation. He believed that much of the outcry against the taxation arose from the fact that New Zealand was the first country in the world to put oil the graduated taxation, but it was a departure which lie considered right and proper. With regard to the Economist's statement that the tax had had the effect of preventing large capitalists buying land in New Zealand, lie said if that was an effect of the tax, it would be a good effect. We did not want to see the land of New Zealand monopolised by large capitalists and companies out of INew Zealand. Wo wanted to - see it in-the hands of resident occupiers under conditions which would prevent the accumulation of large estates. Another effect of the tax, he believed, was that some owners of already existing large estates had' made up their minds to break up those estates. If that were _ so, then this tax, which was not put on primarily lor the bursting up of large estates, would have the benelieial effect of causing a subdivision of the largo estates. The tax was imposed on the broad grounds of justice, that the mon and companies who held these estates did not contribute their fair proportion to the revenues Of the colony, but he had no doubt that the secondary result would be practically tile re-colonisation and densely populating large; areas which were , now only carrying sheep,-for the owners of these properties ■ must either highly improve their properties, in order to make them remunerative, or sell them. The cry that the taxation- imposed by the Government would" injure tho colony and drive capital from it was mere moonshine. It could not drive the big estates away. The land would remain with us, but there! would be more people upon the land, and that would be a - good thing for the country. The Crown lands remaining which could be settled upon were limited in quantity, and if New Zealand were to beco'me a prosperous and a great country there must be .close settlement. : For the first time a Government of tho colony, supported by the great Liberal Party, had been enabled to put into operation a policy in the interests of the people in respect of tho land, hence these tears. 1 ■ LAND tjjnuuk; With regard to the question of freehold and leasehold, he pointed out that'tho Government in their Land Bill provided for the retention 01 the freehold anil deferred payment tenures, as well as the perpetual lease, but what they said was > tljat a permanent lease should be what it really purported to be, and not merely a deferred freehold. It was true that they had also provided this was a great grievance with some mople —that improvements should be insisted upon in respect of cash land; Ho believed it would be to the interests of the colony to have the permanent leasing uud no other in force." The great bulk of the people of the colony who held freehold land, held their land under mortgage, and it would be better for them to hold land under a rent from the Crown than under a rent payable in the ; shape of interest to the mortgagee, 'who had no bowels of compassion. He was called a land nationalist, lint his land nationalisation was that the land should bo held by the bulk of the people, anil not by a few, the many being left destitute of land. If the people had perpetual tenure, light rents, and the chance of becoming prosperous, how much better that the title of the land should remain in the hands "of the State

instead of the hands of private mortgagees,' That is what it virtually cuino to.

CONCLUSION.

In closing his speech he referred to the establishment of the labour bureau. He said that 1560 men had passed through the bureau, and the Government had been able to. get 9*27 of that number employed by private employers, and the number which had been placed on public works was 633. The total expenditure for attaining; . this result was £1060, of . which £700 was spent on railway fares and came back to the treasury, so that the nett amount spent was only £300. He held that it was the duty of the Government tc soo that all men able to work and willing to work obtained employment. He claimed that in all departments of legislation and administration the Government had shown a honest desire to promote the wellfare and progress of the colony, and the earnest efforts they had made had been successful.

A number of questions wero asked in answer to which Mr. Ballance said that he objected to the Railway Insurance Bill much on the same grounds as he objected to the friendly society against which the Friendly Societies Bill had beon'aimed, as it interfered With the liberty of individuals. A vote of confidence was given to Mr, Ballance at the close.