Nelson Evening Mail MONDAY, JANUARY 7, 1935 IRELAND AND THE EMPIRE

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LXVI, 7 January 1935, Page 4

Nelson Evening Mail MONDAY, JANUARY 7, 1935 IRELAND AND THE EMPIRE

THE news, received last week, of the end of the economic war between Britain and Southern Ireland, will be welcomed by the people of the British Empire as the forerunner of better political relations between the two countries named. During the comparatively long period of something like ten years, when Mr Cosgrave was the political leader of the Irish Free State, those relations were satisfactory, if not almost cordial, but with the assumption of power by Mr de Valera there was i immediate trouble between them. It is not proposed to apportion here the blame fpr the economic strife which followed, but it was evident from its beginning that the result would be disastrous to the Irish Free State. It is enough to say that during the year ending 30th November last, the Free State’s adverse trade balance was twenty million pounds sterling, its imports being valued at £38,798,000, and its exports at £18,651,000.

The first indication, of a turn in the tide of Irish opinion in regard to AngloBritish relations was an article published in the “Irish Times” by a' writer who was reputed to be a leading republican, who offered “a novel solution of the Irish difficulty based on Mr de Valera’s reference to*the British Commonwealth (of Nations) as a smaller League of Nations.” The writer proposed : The formation of an Anglo-Celtic Commonwealth, which might include America and Ireland, forming a bridge between the Empire and. the United States, where a strong minority has prevented an Anglo-American understanding. That is a proposal for nothing less than the union of the English-speaking nations, and the proposer went on to suggest: , >•/ *' The federation ; of the Free State and Ulster, each retaining sovereign rights and recognising-the King, but the Free State would be a republic in everything but in name. Whatever may be thought of tile possibility of carrying these suggestions into effect, it will be acknowledged that they are daring, comprehensive, and conceived in an ameliorative spirit. In the first of the suggestions quoted, there is possibly a misprint, the message reading more intelliglby if written, “The formation of an Anglo-Celtic Commonwealth, which might include America, Ireland forming a bridge, etc.” In any case nothing could be done in the way of promoting the creating of such a Commonwealth, without the co-opera-tion of Southern Ireland, and it is not to be expected that the people of that territory will be interested in the larger issue of the formation of an Ehg-lish-speaking nations’ union before the political problems of Ireland itself have been placed on a basis which makes their solution possible. The principal of those problems is the state of political armed neutrality which exists in the Free State and in Ulster. Until the two divisions of the Irish people either amalgamate politically or form a basis of mutual understanding' and friendly cooperation, it would seem to be only waste of time to talk of an Anglo-Celtic Commonwealth and a British Commonwealth of Nations. But it must be remembered that it was Mr do Valera himself who suggested the formation of the latter, and whatever the motives of the Irish leader may have been in making the suggestion, it is evident that lie would be willing that the Free State should be included in the combination which he proposed. He may have made his suggestion because he know that Southern Ireland’s independence would be assured if she were a member of the British Commonwealth which he proposed, but there was no indication that he had abandoned his inveterate ambition to establish an Irish republic. Moreover, there was nothing to show that lie had abandoned his desire to unite Ireland politically, with Ulster presumably included in the republic which he proposes to found. The

new proposal, made by the anonymous writer in the “Irish Times,” is much more feasible, though it is difficult to see how it would be possible for Southern Island to be a republic and at the same time for it to recognise the King as its political head. But the federation of the Free State, and Ulster seems to come within the scope of practical politics, if it can be shown what the northern counties can gain by the proposal. Already they are in the favourable position of being able to manage their affairs without interference, and at the same time they send to the House of Commons a number of members who are able to keep Ulster’s needs before the British Government. It would therefore seem that Ulster holds the key to any proposed federation of all Ireland, just as Mr de Valera holds the key to any proposed Anglo-Celtic Commonwealth which would be equivalent to a British Commonwealth of Nations. This subject is almost certain to come up for discussion when the Empire’s leading statesmen meet in London in five or six months’ time to do honour to the King, on the completion of the twenty-fifth year of His Majesty’s reign. If Mr de Valera were to be present on that happy occasion, be would have the opportunity of discussing with his peers from the outer Empire the subject of. the “smaller League of Nations” which presumably he wishes to see established, and simultaneously he would be able te end the breach between himself and the British Government.