Manawatu Evening Standard. TUESDAY, MARCH 30, 1926. “BUSINESS IS BUSINESS.”

Manawatu Standard, Volume XLVI, Issue 102, 30 March 1926, Page 6

Manawatu Evening Standard. TUESDAY, MARCH 30, 1926. “BUSINESS IS BUSINESS.”

Senator Boraii and those associated with him in his opposition to American co-operation in the rehabilitation of Europe are pursuing l a line of action which is doing more to provoke distrust of America than all President Coolidge’s professions of friendship towards the Allied Powers can possibly counteract. The whole policy of the United States Government in connection with the financial obligations of its former Allies to America has been in marked contrast to the more than generous attitude adopted by Great Britain towards the Powers she financed as long as she possibly could in the Great War. When American senators speak of the business side of European liabilities to America, does it ever occur to them that, but for Great Britain and the Dominions throwing themselves heart and soul into the war, the Germanic Powers would have had a comparatively easy victory over France and Russia ? Are they not aware that “according to plan” Britain would next have been attacked, and then, glutted with conquest and spurred on by the megalomania so characteristic of a victorious people of the Teutonic type, Germany would have sought the conquest of the United States, where German conspirators were already at work, plotting for the creation of a middle west republic under the protection of Germany ? The authorities could not but be aware of the danger that threatened to disrupt the Union, and the overthrow of the Government at Washington, as a result of the intrigues of the Kaiser’s agents in places such as Chicago, which is sail to possess a larger German population than any city in the {world except Berlin and Vienna,! and where in 1915 the Germans; were “both aggressive and impertinent” at the mayoral election, the German newspapers | appealing to the Germans to J “vote for Sweitzer and thereby iid the German army in its war igainst the Allies,” while Mr Tlpmpson, the American Republican candidate, was supported by] only one paper in Chicago. ifefore the election there might have been a danger of the conspiracies that were in progress being translated into direct action but the Republi-

can candidate secured a smashing victory, rbceiving a majority of 139,622, aid the German “organisations” idth the “volunteer” regiments, to which Prince Henry of Prussia had presented colours in|lie Kaiser’s name in 1902, were not called into action. The story of the “German Conspira-

cies in America” has been well told by Mr William H. Skaggs/ a citizen of Chicago, and a native of the United States, but all these things seem to have been forgotten or condoned by the United States Government in its financial bleeding of Britain, and its similar attempts to obtain payment of the advances made to the Belgian, French and Italian Governments, mainly 1 ', if not wholly, in the shape of supplies and munitions of war at greatly enhanced prices, and in a Shylocklike spirit that is in strange contrast to the repeated expressions of goodwill towards her former Allies, which has marked the recorded utterances of her President, Mr Coolidge, and his two immediate predecessors, Presidents Harding and Wilson. One cannot help contrasting the fine spirit displayed in the British offer to cancel the greater debts due to Britain by her Allies, if the United States Government agreed to wipe out Britain’s indebtedness, mostly incurred on behalf of her Allies', with the “business is business” sentiment of the Americans.

“RIVERS OF GOLD.” The cables, within the last week or so, have informed us that there is “plenty of money” in the United States, and that the prosperity there is unexampled. Yet, under the terms exacted by the United States Government, Britain is paying her at the rate of £IOO,OOO per day, and will have to continue doing so for three generations to come. Had the British suggestion for the can cellation of all war debts, made through Lord Balfour, been accepted by America, Britain would have wiped out the £2,100,000,000 due to her by her Allies, including the £700,000,000 owing by Russia, against the £978,243,874 due by Britain to America. That suggestion, or offer, was at once a challenge to American generosity and afforded in itself a tangible evidence of the British desire to help ’in the rehabilitation of Europe at the earliest possible opportunity. But, flushed as she is by her wealth, America insists that the “rivers of gold” should continue to flow into her coffers from the European nations who are her debtors, and who, in most cases, are financi ally overwhelmed with embarrassments the while she makes it as difficult as possible, with her high tariff and exclusive policy, for them to meet their liabilities. “Business is business,” of course, but Senator Borah and his associates want to carry the principle still further. Certain citizens of the United States, who endeavoured to run the blockade established by Britain against Germany during the earlier stages of the war, and who suffered financially in consequence, and apparently pressing their claims upon Britain for compensation on the alleged ground that British cruisers had no right to interfere with the commerce of a neutral State, and Senator Borah, in his wisdom—or lack of it—says the “debts” allegedly due to them “must and will be paid.” But “neutrals” who unsuccessfully attempt running cargoes to belligerent nations, against whom other nations have declared a blockade, should have no real rights enforceable at law; because, by their very action, they show that they are supporting the blockaded nation against the blockaders. They take the risk attachable to their action and, if 1 they are found to be conveying “contraband of war,” their cargoes and vessels are alike liable to forfeiture. In the early days of the wePt President Wilson, who was singularly chary of offending German susceptibilities, was not above addressing “notes of remonstrance” to the British Government, and, in one, dated December 28, 1914, he referred to “the increasing belief, doubtless not unjustified, that the British policy is directly responsible for the depression in many American industries. Reimbursement for cargoes seized,” he added, “does not remedy the evil, as tL. chief difficulty is the moral effect upon the American export trade.” Complaint was made more particularly in regard to the shipments of copper seized by the British, but Sir Edward Grey pointed out in reply that “the statistics of export trade from New York showed remarkable expansion in consignments to Scandinavia and Italy over those of the year before, the figures for copper alone being 35,347,0001 bin 1914, against 7,271,0001 b in 1913, and the presumption was strong; that the large excess was intended for enemy countries.” German agents were known to be at work in the United States buying up supplies for Germany and it would be one of the greatest ironies arising out of the war if their claims or “debts” could be enforceable against Britain as Senator Borah says they must and will be.