MR JOHN 6. WOOLLEY.

Lyttelton Times, Volume CVI, Issue 12589, 26 August 1901, Page 6

MR JOHN 6. WOOLLEY.

A VISIT TO CHRISTCHURCH, Mr John G. Woolley, the American lecturer, was before Christchurch audiences in the Canterbury Hall again on Saturday evening and Inst evening. Thera were large audiences on both occasions, especially last ‘evening. When the hall was very crowded. THE PEOPLE’S POWER. Mr T. E, Taylor presided' on Saturday evening- He, saidl that it was gratifying to see so many people present on the busiest night of the week. Speaking •in regard to th® prohibition movement, he remarked that 'in his opinion New Zealand was as' near to the solution of the liquor question as was any country in the world. Mr Woolley was loudly applauded when he arose to address those present. “The People’s Power” was th© subject of his lecture. As on the previous occasion, he made a slight digression, saying that he could not speak much about local prohibition hero, as his knowledge was obtained for th© most part by what he had read in the newspapers. Coming on to the main subject, which, was illustrated 1 by many graphic storks and figures of speech, Air Woolley said that throughout Christendom the liquor traffic must dee. The whole question seemed to focus on the word “power.” That was what they wanted. “Ye shall receive power after that ye have surrend'ered to th© truth.” Christian lands were stretching out their hands to possess power, but th© voting church of this country did not possess it. After truth had taken possession of all that was in them, the people would have power. But they could not get it hy trying to make truth and falsehood’ pull together, as was sometimes done. That was about as awkward a team as they could find. There were Christian statesmen who accepted the truth as a political principle, but rejected it as a portion of a party’s policy. They went to the Legislature or the party convention, and there dispensed with conscience for the sake of the revenue. That Would not do. It was not "a ” truth, but “ the ” truth that the people must possess m order to get power. They must not only feel their own power, but also make others feel it. Bub even if Christian, men and women did all that, they would not bo doing their whole duty. They must testify; that was the main thing in. regard to power, “ I don’t know,’ the speaker said, “ whether or not you can upset th© present Government and get a better one into power for Christian manhood and Christian womanhood j whether you can get the Church of England and the Church of Rome to swing into line f&r the greatest of all reforms j whether you can get a majority of Prohibitionists into th© House; whether you can get your neighbour to j oin with you against the deadliest of all evils; where you will get your revenue from if you refuse to take the blood money from, the rumseller ; whether you can 'enforce the prohibition law when you get ft; I don’t know but what every man, if you do get a prohibitory law, won’t brew spirits for his own use, in a tea-kettle on his own cook stove. I don’t know all these things. I don’t have to know, and don’t need to know. But what I do know is that the testimony I give as a Christian and a citizen of the country where I live, at the bal-lot-box, on election day, is a fair and! proper measure of the power and value of the religion I profess to carry.” At every crossroad in life, the Christian should ask himself what he stood at that crossing for, and how he was going to testify. Still, though dress-parades of policemen on great occasions, for instance, were spectacles worthy of the cost, as- they impressed, th© public mind with the power of ai municipality, there must bo private records of the individual policeman. Th© dress-parade of the Church was like that. These parades were held on Sunday morning and Sunday evening, and the preacher, in thirty or forty minutes, gave a splendid speech representing six days’ toil. That was the greatest thing in this world to impress the common mind as to the value, virtue, and reality of the religion of Jesus Christ. But for the dress-parade of tha Church to amount to anything in reality, it must begin pretty soon to be a record of the individual Christians, showing that they were ready to strike a blow when, it had to bo struck, and that when there was a vote to be cast in testimony for the Lord or the Church, they would cast it like brave men and women.

. One of the speaker’s most graphic similes was in connection with,, a business transataon. He represented himself as being a wealthy, pious, aristocratic, and respected business man, who had descended from King Alfred on the one ado, and Saint Peter (“ by. the laying on of Lands ”) on the other, who was the richest man in Chridtchurch, owning the bank-buildings, and newspapers, andi whose bills were as good as gold. One day he gave a bill for £1 to a friend, and when it fell due the banker wanted the cash. It was not convenient for him to pay then, but the banker said “ Pay it, pay it, or go into insolvency.” In vain he protested that he had the largest Bible class in New Zealand, that he was probably the best sample of the grace of God in the community, not even having been tempted; to sin for the past sixteen years, that the bluest of blue blood ran in his veins, that he could buy up the whole of Christchurch, or that every other man in the community also owed the bank £l. “It won’t do, it won’t do,” was the reply; “pay it, or go into insolvency,” Christian citizenship was in a similar position. Christians could not say to the Lord or to their country that if there was a ghost of a show to win, but not otherwise, they would be with Him or it. God Himself presented the bill and asked what they were going to do. It would be useless to say, for instance, “I would like to pay, but the rest won’t do so. lam a Liberal candidate for mayoralty of Christchurch, Lord, and a Tory is running against me. He also owes this obligation. If I pay, it will make me unpopular. Lord, do you hear—a Tory mayor of Christchurch! It is bad for Christchurch; and what is bad for Christchurch is bad for England; and' what is bad for England is bad' 'for Europe; and what is bad for Europe is bad for America —(laughter);—and what is bad for America is bad for the world; and what is bad for the world is bad for Heaven. Don’t you see, Lord, you fairly invite me to upset ycur own Throne?” But the reply would be, “It won’t do; pay it, pay it, or go into insolvency.” What was the matter with New Zealand, that the Church languished and the publican had more power with the Government than a minister of the Gospel? Let them take that home with them and think it out. Pledges were going to pieces on presentation lor payment at the pools. The Church of Jesus Christ had a right to rule this nation and all the world. It would do so if the people would take their eyes from their neighbours and their party, turn them inwardly, and do their simple duty like honest men and women. Then, they would put their feet an the neck of the liquor traffic, and' send it to the hell from -whence it sprang, and whither it ought to go. A veto of 'thanks was passed to the speaker, on the motion of the Rev W. Bauraber, seconded by Mr G. Manifold.

PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY. Last evening Mr Woolley lectured on “Personal Responsibility.” Mr G. J. Smith, presided, and the building was so crowded that many people had to stand. When the applause which broke cut when Mr Woolley appeared had subsided, the speaker, after reciting a lengthy quotation from the Scriptures, said that there were three forms cf government the peoplei should adhere to, namely, government by good faith, good -sense, and the grace of God. In regard to government by good sense, he meant an intelligent survey of the situation and a measure of the facts. The leaders Should illustrate government

by faith by washing their hands of all political duplicity with a thing that did damage to the citizens. H© drew a grapliio picture of a drunkard’s downfall and the effect on the drunkard’s people, and told those present that they must measure the distance from the victims of the drink evil to their own hands when they voted at the ballot-box. They should measure it and record it, and realise what it meant. Until they did that, they had) no right to .pray to God for prosperity. Perhaps they had measured it up and investigated It, and had found to their own minds that there was nothing more for them to do. But could they say to God, holding up their hands to show they were clean, “ Wo are ready to do what you require for our country/ He was not there to criticis© Christianity past and present, but it did seem to him that there was too much technical research into spiritual phenomena and experience', and far too little actual embodiment of spirit in visible and tangible things. There was too much book-keep-ing, if he might use a commercial phrase, and too little business. The world was literally packed with victories for Christian people, for the mere, bravery of stopping to take them. Jems Christ had overcome this world, and His people were simply defeated by their lack of faith in Him. In New Zealand and elsewhere the drink shop was the Devil’s principal workshop, and the Christian people were called on to fight it. He wanted to bring back the temperance cause to the Church. In these times, when temperance was beginning to embarrass national politics—and he hoped it would continue to do so—the ; Church had dropped into the habit of sending out the temperance cause, leaving it to some travelling lecturer, committee, leader, or society woman, very much as a person would send soiled linen to a laundry, to have it starched! and bleached, and ' sent back in a pleasing form. By that attitude both the Church and the .temperance -cause suffered enormously. They should not disparage the old linos of Gospel temperance work, but the old work should mot stand 1 still like a post; it ought to grow up like a tree into a splendid! movement of mighty achievements. A Christian man, whether a minister or a should! become a fighting, thinking man, taking part In the affairs ■of the town and th© country where he lived. The average Christian voter would have nothing to do with the publican, socially; he would not introduce him to his wife and family, would: be frightened if he saw his son on speaking terms with him. He despised th© publican thoroughly, and he despised the tricky pohitacdian. at th© same time, and, perhaps, to the same extent. But in Ms politics the average Christian man—in the speakeris country, at any rat©, perhaps not in that of his audience'—travelled hand-in-hand with th© publican and th© tricky politician, the publican’s best friend. In New Zealand there were too many Christian voters who were crawling under the seat of politics for the taka of the party to which they belonged’. There were too Many Christian. Liberal man in this colony who would vote for the rotten Liberal’ rather than for the decent and cleanly Conservative. There were too many Christian Conservatives who would vote for the unclean Conservative rather than for the dean Liberal. While the people kept that up, the saloon would win, and' th© Churchy th© home, and! th© schoolhouse would! languish in this colony in th© same proportion. Christian men should get cut from/ under tha seat, stand up, and! set them,solves at the elections against that enemy. They must remembei that many people in the speaker's country, and in that of his audience, were dying that day at th© hands of the liquor traffic. The drink shop was a© lawful in most parts of both countries as th© schaolhouise, and, politically, was a® respectable. They must not fail to exercise their votes against the evil and for their country. Christian manhood and womanhood in New Zealand should get itself together iitai the solid mass and say that such things m resulted from th© drink evil would never exist under the flag and Government. What could they dp about the liquor traffic? Let them look at their hands —hold them before their mind’s eye, and wash them.

A vote of thanks was passed l cm the motion of the Rev W. Lee, seconded by Mr T. E. Taylor.

AN INTERVIEW. IMPRESSIONS OF NEW ZEALAND'. Air John G. Woolley, the American, lecturer, has formed very favourable impressions of this colony. ■

“I have read and heard much about your country,” he said to a reporter of this journal on Saturday morning, “but the fact surpasses the anticipation. I am, of course, specially attracted to New Zealand from the stand-point of a reformer, and, speaking from that standpoint, I am confident that it is the most hopeful community in the world. Not that so much bias been accomplished in detail, bub that you have here the Government of the people with high ideals taught in 'the schools and in the homes. Yourpo libical leaders are more or less in fear of the people, and the great problem before you, I think, is to consolidate your good people against the evils which infest the community.

“ Your chief object is to get laws , on your Statute Book. There is prevalent in New Zealand a deep British respect for the law as such, and you will experience no such difficulties in regard to enforcement as we do in the States. Your people is homogeneous, while ours is mixed, and the discouragements rve have suffered in the States should by no means deter you. You are far from the centres of population. You are a law-abiding community on general principles. You have a very small percentage of illiteracy. Your people are already accustomed to do their own thinking, and are nob likely to be led by what in the States we call ‘ bosses ’ or party leaders.

“I am thoroughly satisfied with what the Prohibition Party here is doing. I see little to suggest in the way of improvements in the methods of the party. There is only one thing for it to do, and that ia to hold to the course and educate, the people to the high ideals. The fight which is going on here is important to us, because tlie victory of the Prohibitionists here will be a great leverage to the party in the States.”

AMERICAN POLITICS. Mr Woolley, who was a candidate for the Presidency of the United States at the latest election, speaks in pessimistic tones of American politics in their present condition, but be has hopes for the future. “ Our political condition is very bad,” he says, “ but it is by no means hopeless. - The spirit of reform is alive, and I think we are making as good progress as we can considering the vast extent of our country and the mixed nature of the population. Perhaps what we suffer is inevitable under the present conditions. Yet the AngloSaxon blood is dominant in the Americans still, and it will rule over their interests, as it will rule over those of the world, if it keeps Itself pure.”

“Trusts and combines? Yes; but I do not took upon them with the eame alarm as many people do. Of course, dishonest men do great harm when they, with great weahh, raise the prices and oppress the people. But I think that these_ great combinations of capital are teaching the people a'lessen they will have

to learn—the lesson, of taking into their own hands many natural monopolies, and of administering them for th© public good. These great combinations will eventually be looked back upon as good object lessons to the people, to show them how they can manage their own affairs.” PROHIBITION IN THE STATES. The visitor’s remarks are illustrated with many metaphors, epigrams and similes. When he was asked a question with regard to prohibition in the States, he said: “It takes a man and a team to make a reaper cub the grain; the machine does not do the work alone. Well, the prohibitory law in some parts of the States has been simply put upon the Statute Books and left there, without any determined efforts at enforcement. In such cases it is naturally disappointing. These instance*, however, are comparatively few, and are decreasing in number. In the rural districts in Maine, for instance, the prohibitory law is enforced as well as any other penal law. In many parts of the States the sal© of liquor as a beverage is unknown. “On the other hand, in soma of the sea-bound cities and some of the larger places inland, where the law is administered by its enemies, or by corrupt politicians, who connive at violations for a certain consideration for their personal benefit, or for the benefit of the party in power, liquor is sold more or less freely. Bub never in such alluring places, -or under such attracttive conditions as in the licensed towns in other States. In many towns in Maine, a man who wants a drink badly enough to search for it will be able to find it, but, even where the law is most ignored, there is less temptation to youth than in licensed cities. And, at the worst, the prohibitory law is enforced better than the restrictive features of the license laws where licenses do prevail. In. addition to this, there is an increasing disgust in Alaine, and in every prohibitory State, at th© impudent , violations on the part of liquor sellers, and the persistent betrayal of the public interest, and scorn of the public will, on the part of officials, who use their position simply for the benefit of the party. There is beginning to be better enforcement everywhere. In tie City of Portland, which is the chief city of Maine, and is also the worst city in the State, the Prohibitionists, with tho help of law-abiding Democrats and Republicans, elected a sheriff at the last election, who has practically stopped the sale of liquor for general beverage purposes in that city.”