The Lyttelton Times. MONDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1890.

Lyttelton Times, Volume LXXIV, Issue 9292, 22 December 1890, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times. MONDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1890.

It is amusing to read that the Portuguese who have volunteered' for military service in the Zambesi country have bolted on finding the Government likely to accept their services. We are all amused, partly because poltroonery is a thing in itself amusing ; partly because this tribute to the strength of the South African Company’s expedition is very powerful; partly because the real character of the ’ Portuguese opposition to the Anglo-Portu g uese Convention is thus made quite clear. That opposition has been well characterised by Lord Salisbury, who said that he had not yet discovered the method of negotiating with the mob of a big city. The Portuguese anger and disappointment are of course most natural in this matter. To them the whole of Africa South of the Congo Free State and North of the British possessions has been like a reversionary legacy. One of the grandest portions of that magnificent inheritance was the country of the Borotse—not absolutely discovered by their own traveller, Serpa Pinto, but described by him as no one had ever described it before the appearance of his book or has ever described it since. A leading feature of the eastern portion of the domain was the command of the Zambesi navigation. The Anglo-Portuguese Convention broke this magnificent inheritance into two; Cecil Rhodes, armed with concession after concession, drove a great wedge into the gap in the shape of a powerful military expedition bound for that very country of the Borotse ; and British merchant steamers and gunboats began to come and go on the Zambesi at their own sweet will. It is not any wonder that Portuguese vanity was ruffled, that

Portuguese Ministers at home found existence difficult and burdensome, while the Colonial Portuguese were furious. But the Colonial British are not inclined to draw back. A mighty empire is arising under the leadership of the man of genius who first attracted the world’s notice by acquiring command of the diamond market, and is now Premier of the Cape Colony, holding the position by virtue of what we may call his foreign policy, which aims at nothing less than the foundation of a power like unto that of the Bast India Company on the other side of the Indian Ocean. A flag or two may be hauled down in Africa, trumpets may be blown all over Portugal, but so long as Volunteers for service make themselves scarce when there is the least pretence of accepting their service, there will be no serious trouble. If there were, it would not last a season. The power of the South African Company is already recognised as greater than that of Portugal. The new Government at Lisbon has postponed the question of the Convention, partly in the hope of assistance from Prance or Germany, partly in the expectation that the Lisbon populace will soon grow cairn. The latter expectation is the one which the Government will find their best card. Of the former there eaa be no chance whatever of realisation. Cecil Rhodes, however, will save everybody the trouble of doing anything. He is doing everything that there is to do, possibly even reserving a territory for General Booth. If so, it will prove that a great mind can rise superior to the little fears of little souls who look upon the Colonies of the Salvationist General aa sure to be sources of contamination and hot-beds .of poverty. They forget that it is the regeneration of the long-neglected poor the General is aiming at. Given the independence and self-respect which the scheme offers them, these Colonists will be a tower of strength in the dominion of the South African Company which is beginning to make Christian history in the great countries of the ancient Portuguese inheritance.

That the Government will not be permitted to carry out its impudent proposal to create half a dozen new Legislative Councillors we have little doubt. Except that small clique of blind followers always ready to back it up in any—even the most outrageous proposals, public opinion is against the proposed action of the Government, from one end of the Colony to the other. Still, it is of some interest to consider the appointments which rumour asserts were likely to be made. It is now said in certain quarters that Mr Montgomery and the Hon E. Richardson have been added to the list of proposed nominations. Not that we think this at all likely or anything more than mere rumour. The Atkinson Government is not in the habit of conferring honours on its opponents. But, if true, we are glad, for the sake of justice, because these two gentlemen have far better claims in their respective services and records than the whole (with one exception) of the rest of the batch of names put together. Mr Montgomery has left a name in our Provincial annals as one of the most successful administrators who ever handled our local affairs, and one of the most sterling men who ever led the Provincial Council. His twelve years’ service in the House of Representatives was likewise very noteworthy. It was Mr Montgomery who led the Opposition to the Continuous Ministry for years. As chief of the Liberal Party during a dark time, the hopes of the Liberals of New Zealand were centred in him. Consistent, conscientious, well informed, public spirited, Mr Montgomery did all his Parliamentary work like a man of capacity and a man of honour. Mr Richardson’s experience is more varied. His term of Parliamentary service extends to twenty years. During that time he served with great distinction as Minister for Public Works. His record in that department is one of the best in our annals ; he has bean associated with our railway system from its inception ; he knows the whole aim scope of the system from the first original intention to the present hour. In the days of the Stout-Yogel combination his special knowledge was of the greatest assistance to the Colony, and since the combination went into Opposition he has been one of the strongest and best of its members. In Provincial politics bis career was exactly the reverse of Mr Montgomery’s in point of political success, the honours of office falling to Mr Montgomery just as they fell to Mr Richardson in the General Assembly. Both men have a far better, more extended, more successful record, greater proofs of capacity and richer experience to give them claims to the Upper House than any of the others that have been mentioned, with the exception, perhaps, of Mr Ormond. Mr Pulton has faithfully served his party, and has a claim on them. So has Mr Whyte. Mr Samuel has no claim on anybody; and of Mr Downie Stewart the same may be said, with the addition that he is Mr Downie Stewart. Mr C. Johnston may have claims as the Mayor of one of the four great cities during the Jubilee year. If be has, there are three other claims equally strong. It is amusing to read that the names of Messrs Montgomery and Richardson are mentioned in this connection. When we hear on official authority that Ministers have had the greatness of mind to be just to their opponents, we shall give them all the credit they deserve on that score. Por the present we have nothing but the suggestion of some pressmen that the addition of their names is probable. There is an air of trotting out the names just to make the public swallow the Ministerial list—which contains, let ns say at once, certain names that nobody can swallow at any price. But all this is beside the point, which is that the Government, being in its present uncertain position, has no right to make any recommendations at all. If it were right to increase the numbers of the Upper House in the very moment of decreasing the numbers of the Lower, a Government in a minority is not the proper body to make the increases.