The Lyttelton Times. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 14, 1883.

Lyttelton Times, Volume LIX, Issue 6876, 14 March 1883, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 14, 1883.

Br the mail wo get a clear view of the position of affairs in Egypt, and we see that the Imperial Government does net quite see its way out of the situation. Ix>rd Granville's Circular Noto to the five chief Legations may be supposed to be the beat possible official account of matters Egyptian. Its suocess may be judged by a simple fact. Having divided the problems to be solved into two groups—the external and the internal—each containing four, the Noto announces a clear policy on two alone. These are the neutrality of the Suez Canal, for whioh the British Government offers certain proposals for the acceptance of the Pawers; and the Asg.o-French control, whioh, being a mattor of internal concern, is merely announced to the Powers as at an end. Upon the other questions time and the Khedive, with the advice of the British Representatives, are to throw light. The latter " trust shortly to be able to make satisfactory proposals" for the management of the estates assigned under the law of liquidation. Her Majesty's Government baa no doubt that when tho Khedive hits upon an equitable method of "placing foreigners on the same footing as Natives in regard to trade from whioh they are at present exempt," the Powers will be prepared to accept it. Regarding the third of the unsolved external problems, the Foreign Secretary can say no more than that his Government has advißed the Government of His Highness to prolong for another year the system of mixed tribunals already established, in order to " give time for the discussion of amendments in the codes and prooedure v which was interrupted by the events of last year." The internal unsolved problems find the Government more forward on the whole, but far from ready to lot Egypt set sail on an independent course. Her Majesty's Ministers think that the army ought to be small, that they will be able to see their way to partly officer it from our own army, that tho guardianship of law and order ought to be in the bands of a police force, on what model or of what elements they do not seem to have as yet considered. I They trust that in a short time effective j measures will be taken by the Khedive to improve the administration of justice to tbe Natives, and they intend to lose no opportunity of adviiiing His Highness against the slave trade. They " are of opinion that tbe prudent introduction of some form of representative institutions may contribute greatly to the good government of the country and to the safety and regularity of the Khedive's rule." As a matter of fact Lord Dufforin has sketched a Constitution, such as it is, but Ministers await " further reports from their representatives in Egypt before ooming to a conclusion aa to a shape whioh would be beat suited to tbo present occasion while affording opportunities for future growth." In all this uncertainty of hopes and beliefs two things are clear. Life and property b*»i»g unsafe in Eygpfc till the problems arc eolved, our troops remain. While they remain, our rulers feel that " the position in whioh Her Majeaty'a Government is placed towards His Highness imposes upon them the duty of giving advice." The Constitution of Lord Duffer in ia to eyes accustomed to the full glare of self-government a strange inconsequential kind of document. A Ministry of twelve with a Legislative Council of fourteen (half of them appointed by the Khedive) assisted by an elective Assembly of forty-four, pos*

ecssitjg tho proud privilege of Wing oooftßionftUy eurarooßod for pnrpoic* ot d*llb#r»ttoti merely, 4oe§ sot strike oafi as ibe embodiment of reproten* Utivo gotii»«. Saoh a Ootmtitutioa it hwdly likely to b« Hfttlbfaetorf to tbo Natlvo population m « iwcurity for ititj bolter Admini«tratioxt of jaatioo that mnjr be invented* or for » proper mAi}9gc«cent of Uifl pablio fiiiuiOMi, and of what ia virtually tho publio property »«Btgnod m VMuHty for tbo payment of iotcrctt to tho pnbllo oroditor under tho tiiqnidation Law, or for »ttiot justice aa botwtxm foreigner and nativo in law and taxation. Neither oan it b« mttoh competJSAtion for tho enforced presence at | high aalariea of foreign ofHoera in tbo national army, nor for the advioe of a foreign official in mattora i financial and administrative, with a fleet within oonveniont hail to givo weight to bin idea*. Bat tho Natives have no option bat to bo content with ths will of the oonqnoror, who in now proved by hit own admit* •ion to have levied war against them because they tried to solve tho very problems he ndtniti to press seriously for solution. By the Foreign Powers tho evident desiro to do something towards establishing » stable Native Government will be regarded as an evidence of tho will to get rid of the country as aeon at possible on honour* able terms, and therefore as an evidence of good will. This impression will an* doubtedly be strengthened by the pro* posals for the absolute neutrality of the Canal. Egypt is to be charged with the duty of enforcing the laws of neutrality, but how without forts and guns, which Egypt may not have on the Canal or near it. this is to be performed is not stated. But the great fact is that we do not intend, as somebody put it the o.her day, to make Gibraltar* of Port Said and Buez. On the whale, then, we are not likely to be pressed by European complications on account of the occupation of Egypt. The only doubt that may appear in the external aspect of the situation ia | from the side of France. The demand of France to revert to the state of affairs before the war, has been I met with the intimation that the joint control has been abolished, on the ground that "it is impossible that an arrangement of a temporary character should be con* tinned alter two of the three parties to it have become desirous to be freed from the obligations." Tho reason* ing is not convincing to France, because of these two parties with* drawing one never was any more than a puppet from the first, and iB now the sole puppet of England, instead of the joint puppet of England and France. Another reason for this French view is that the official European adviser, who is to be appointed without power of interference as the substitute for the joint control, is in all probability Sir Auckland Colvin, the former English Controller, who, though he has no power of interference is an official of the severest type, and will have an army for an indefinite period—while attempts are, in fact, being made to solve the insoluble—at his back. It is not wonderful, under the circumstances, that the late French Premier should have refused to accept for France "a too attenuated situation," and that he should have promised the Chamber of Deputies that "we shall apply ourselves to protect on the banks of the Nile our acquired rights, our legitimate interests, and the traditions of our past." But M. Duclero has passed away, and M. Ferry has been pacified by "assurances " from Mr Gladstone. Our Premier has probably convinced our neighbours that oar attempt to enable the Khedive eventually to rule by dividing against eaoh other what will be praotically two Ministries, cannot be at their expense, either in rights or traditions. It may be a long time before we shall be satisfied of the Khedive's stability under these peculiar oiroumstances. But daring that long time our troops will be in occupation, and everybody will be paid his interest with regularity, and every riff-rafl foreigner who delights to spoil the Egyptians will be able to pursue his trade in peace, though shorn of its chief profits; and undoubtedly commeroe and agriculture are bound to flourish. When our occupation will end, so that these things oan go on of themselves, is a question about which nobody outside of England knows or oares anything. That seems a fair conclusion from the whole of the circumstances.