THE EMPIRE AND IRELAND

Evening Star, Issue 16987, 8 March 1919, Page 2

THE EMPIRE AND IRELAND

VISIT OF AUSTRALASIAN EDITORS

WHAT THEY SAW AND THINK

Mr W. H. Simmonds, editor of the 'Hobart Mercury.' who spent a. week in Vancouver on his return journey to th« Antipodes, was one of the Australasia! editors who visited England at the invitation of the Imperial Government. Thej visited Ireland, and Mr Simmonds was asked by the Vancouver 'Daily World* to give the results of their sympathetic study of conditions there. He said : We went for the best part of a week to Ireland, where we were favored with special and unusual facilities for pursuing our inquiries into Empire-governance by meeting men of all parties. Since this latter excursion had the definite object of seeing what Ireland's part in the war effort is, and of discovering why Achilles had sulked, I had better particularise, and say that we met and talked with Loyalists, Unionists, Nationalists, and Sinn Feiners. In fact, our inquiries in Ireland were absolutely unprejudiced and catholic in the best sense, and we talked with poor as well as rich in the city and in the course of a beautiful country drive. With regard to Home Rule, the conclusion most of us formed, I venture to say, was that while, owing to its unfortunate political circumstances, Ireland at present is a source of weakness rather than of strength to the Empire, and is not taking that enthusiastic part in saving the world for liberty which Irishmen ought to be expected to take, there is very little hope of improvement in the immediate future. "CRAZY ENTHUSIASTS."

I am not quite with that veteran, Mr Frederic Harrison—now in his 86th year —in his assertion that "this vast and mighty Empire, with hundreds of millions in every continent and in each hemisphere, all partnered to devote their sonsto our historic name, is to-day the victim of a nest of crazy rebels in one corner of Ireland." If people in general, whether Sinn Feiners or others, would but get out of the habit of regarding "Government** as dominating somebody, and think of it instead as only a means of securing common ends by combination, and common safetj by union, we might find that there is room in our big co-operative Empire-Gommon-woalth for all, not excluding the little nest of crazy Sinn Feiners. If only their aim were the legitimate one of racial, national, and individual self-expression! But they tell you they demand that Ireland shall be "absolutely independent." "Likeßelgium " was the most unhappy comparison one of them used, forgetting what has been little Belgium's fate. In presence of such an avowal you are nonplussed. There is no compromise possible—for even if England were weary to the point of cutting the painter, the Empire's safety would never allow us other partners to be Indifferent to what would be so obviously dangerous to the Empire's very heart. IMPRACTICABLE NATIONALISTS. On the other hand, are the saner Nationalists any less impracticable when they denounce in unmeasured terms as " coercion" everv single step by which an alleged " weak" (government prevents open lawlessness in this unhappy country; when. they protest in equally unmeasured terms against applying to Irish service-shirkers the same compulsory rule that has been rigidly enforced, in America, France, and Great Britain; and when they demand as i right, in spite of this -refusal of duty, ""full legislative, executive, and fiscal powers -for an Irish Parliament " ? It il plain that an Irish Parliament which, had power to get up an army, navy, aerial and submarine bases, and a Customs tariff which could be used against Great Britain, would be such a Parliament as neither Great Britain nor the Empire nor its Allies could safely tolerate, even if the virile and successful people of Northern Ireland suffered themselves to be put under a Southern majority. NOT INSOLUBLE. Is the problem of Ireland, then, absolutely insoluble and hopeless? I venture to think it is not. I believe it is time we had democratisntion all round, and that it sbouM tw>sin at once with the democratic federalisation of the British Isles as a unit of the Empire similar to those oversea units that are already » federalisod. A POSSIBLE SCHEME. Now. the British Isles are essentially a single unit, economically and from a military, naval, and defensive point of view. We cannot afford to have tht United Kingdom disunited in these respects any more than we can afford in Australia to have Queensland and Tasmania setting, up their own separate armies, navies, Customs tariffs, or negotiations with foreign Powers for naval bases. But local powers such as our States singly have the United Kingdom's members might well have. Therefore I suggest :■ — First of all I see the British Isles federali.sed on Australian lines —namely, with local Parliaments for (1) Southern Ireland, (2) Northern Ireland, (3) Scotland. (4) Wales. (5) Northern England, (6) "Southern England. Next, I seethese six " States "" (such as we have in Australia) united in a British Federal Parliament consisting of a Senate . (elected) and a House of Commons, having powers similar to those of the Federal Legislature of Australia. For example, "the local "State" Parliaments would deal severally with their own education, and the Federal Parliament alone would have power to tax imports or exports. Special financial difficulties of any "State" could be met, as in Australia, bv assistance from the Federal bedv. We thus bring the British Tslcs as a federal group into line -with the federal groups or Dominions of Canada, Australia. New Zealand, and Africa. Next we nerd a body to govern the non-self-governing portions of the Empire, and to co-ordinate the five selfgoverning federal groups for matters of common "Imperial and international concern. For tins purpose I foresee an Imperial Council, under the direct presidency of our democratic King—a council act inn coiwultativoly on behalf of su the Dominions, and charged on behalf of the Empire as a whole with the direct administration of India and the Crown colonies, ensure in them peace and law, and with the express purpose of gradually raising their inhabitants, so far as prudence permits, to the self-governing statu*. It seems to me that these rearrangements should meet the reasonable demands of local majorities for self-cx-pression. while combining all in hearty co-operation for the common good of the Empire Commonwealth.