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Whetmkh it lif true ov untrue that President Wilson is interesting The Talk ; of himself., with 1/uxeni Peace. bottrg and Holland, on behalf or in the interests of Peace dues not greatly matter. What is true is that the persons who are thus talking about Peace at this honv are not the friends of Peace. There is ••easnn to believe that they arc for the yiost part {lie same sapient individuals who protested that England should remain neutral ; that it was infnmou.s of the Government to no to war: that the country v.vis overwhelmingly against their doing .^o; and that the best way to avoid war was not to prepare against it. No responsible section of the community will listen to them or their arguments. Thanks in part to these false humanitarians, the Empire was thought an easy prey by the barbarian hordes of Germany. Nor is it due in the remotest degree to thorn, and theirs that the Uother Land at this day is free from the invading hosts, and grimly determined to do battle to the last man and the last sliillLng. The Imperial Government having tirelessly labored for Pence and failed drew the sword. And that sword will not be sheathed until the object for which it was drawn is accomplished. So says the Rev. 'Father Vaughan in answer to Jesuitical Gorman Jesuits, and so .say we all from Prime Minister down to the humblest €lll2OO. There is a time for

Peace and a time for war. But there is no time, absolutely none, for a patchedup" Peace and the certainty of future war. If, President Wilson has not yet learned this it is timo he should do so. England's sincerity for Peace was known.; England's deliberate decision to obtain those- objects for which she went to war should, also be known. It has been stated more than once. Quite recently a letter issued by tho Central Committee for National Patriotic Organisations was published. Cum clause read as follows : " But, come what may, there must be no " weakening, no wavering, no patched-up " truce that would expose our children "to a revival of the. German Menace, " probably in circumstances far more " terrible for the Empire than those which " face us to-day." And among the signatures are those of Mr Asrjuith, Mr Balfour, and Lord Ttosebery, We cannot question the bona fides of these great leaders. They mean what they say, and ?oico the Fmpiro's determination. Turn which way we will, whether to Church or State, to Press or Trade Union, the answer is the' same. This is not the hw.r for Peace nor for talk of Peace. The. world has yet many via dolorosas to pass through and many Calvaries still to endure era that glad day comes, "At the first moment," wrote tho Archbishop of Canterbury to the Archbishop of Upsala (Sweden), "when it seems to me that "an opening is presented for securing "u, righteous and enduring peace, I shall " do my utmost to urge it, but I nm clear " that that moment, greatly as we long " for it, /ir/.? not ycl- romc." It is part of tho heritage of Britons, a heritage that some have done so little to secure and nothing to retain, that even at this tunc of crisis, and when the fate of all we have and are hangs in the balance, men may, if they will, talk and write publicly and foolishly. And there is hardly anything more unwise and therefore dangerous than talk of Peace before the objects for which the Peace was broken have been secured. Tn a very real sense each and all can crv : '

Let there be peace! Only we cannot end here. We must go further and say : But none until tho peace be sure. We will not make a peace, if when We sheathe our swords, the angry men May make our Eons unsheathe again, Renewing pain. No peace, 0 Lord, till peace is sure {

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Evening Star, Issue 15703, 18 January 1915

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Evening Star Issue 15703, 18 January 1915

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