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Evening Star, Issue 15663, 30 November 1914
The Rev. Me Saunders yesterday morn
ing, in illustration The World at War, of his argument.
made use of th_ words “ I denounce tho Monroe Doctrine,” and our cable messages to-day contain a lucid summary of what that doctrine really is. Doubtless those of us whose ideas are hazy upon tho original proposition put forward by President Monroe in 1823 may also feel that ex-Prosident Taft’s exposition takes them no further forward. Yet the Monroe Doctrine is simplicity itself, and cannot bo fairly regarded as unjust either to Germany or any other European Power. We do not thirds that tho premises warrant 'tho assertion that had Germany been allowed to colonise portions of South America there would have been no war. Germany has, or had, largo colonies in South, West, and East Africa—colonies that are much larger in tho aggregate than the whole of the Fatherland—and in each of them she has been a failure. Germany and the Germans have yet to show that they can colonise after the manner of the British. It is hopeless to think that successful, free, independent communities can be built up overseas where the methods, the manners, and the brutalities of the Prussian autocracy are slavishly duplicated, and officials glory in posing as imitations of their own Kaiser. German emigrants have flocked across the, Atlantic to get away from, not to establish anew, that which tho, world
has come to know as Germanism. It is a mistake to assert (hat the- world denied Germany the right of expansion, and therefore, by implication, that Germany was forced to go to war. This is to tread on dangerous as well as on untenable ground. The Prussian War Lords went to war for no other object than to destroy the British Empire. This, and this alone, whether by way of Belgium or France, was their ultimate objective. And towards this goal they have for years past, in their schools and universities—“those “poultry yards for the laying hens-of “ German -Culture,” as Lord Rosebery wittily termed them—in their clubs and lecture rooms, on the platform and in the Press, prepared themselves. Spy services and wireless installations and munitions of war, rather than sober schemas of colonisation, have been established from London lodging-houses to Juan Fernandez in tho South Pacific and from South-west Africa to Tsing-tao—not to find room or to make homes for Germany's surplus millions, but to realise Von Treitschke’s frenzied and oft-repeated declaration: “ England, the arch-enemy, must bo destroyed.” This, and no other, is tho reason why this poor world of ours has for a time been given over to the tiger and the brute.
What the Monroe Doctrine says in es-’ scnco is that the United States will not view with favor the attempt to extend the European system of monarchical government to any portion of “ this hemisphere.” That is all. It does not attack anyone. It docs not prevent European Powers collecting their American debts by force if necessary, and it dees not prevent the settlement of European citizens in large or small numbers anywhere. But it does say, and this is what Mr Tait makes plaan, that while tho integrity of each State or Government now eettled in tho two American is recognised by the United States, and will not be interfered with, these States and Governments are at perfect liberty to help an outside Power; and such I’owers, in turn, may exercise retaliatory measures and demand an indemnity. But no outsido Power will be permitted —this constitutes tho heart of tho question—to taka possession of the attacked territory and establish thereon some other form of government. The Mexican inferno and America’s policy in relation thereto have nothing to do with the Monroe Doctrine. President Wilson has made a lamentable muddle of the whole business. He should either have refrained from interference or interfered effectually. He did neither, with the result that to-day the unspeakable Villa is left tho arbiter of Mexico’s fate. America and American policy have not gathered to themselves many friends during the present appalling crisis. There has at least been a perceptible tendency to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds. It is not possible to do this. President Wilson has either to express in fitting terms the scorn and detestation of the American people towards tho authors of tho foulest outrage ever wrought against mankind or to face as best ho may the judgment of history. To talk of “ scrupulous neutrality,” to warn consular officials and others to be guarded in their utterances, and to promise that full inquiry in due ccason will bo made as to the guilt of the nations actively engaged in war may be statesmanship, but it is as the dust beneath tho feet when measured against the what might and should have been.
Evening Star, Issue 15663, 30 November 1914
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