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THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

Thk General Election in the L T nited Kingdom is now practically completed, and there is no gainsaying the fact that the Liberals have suffered an overwhelming defeat. More than 400 Conservatives and Liberal-Unionists have been returned, and Lord Salisbury's majority in the new House will be over 150. We cannot but feel that Lord Rosebery has clear ground of complaint against the popular fickleness, but the causes of reaction arc often very complex .and subtle: and, anyhow, it would be idle to assail the inevitable with an affectation of indignant surprise. At the same time we are frankly sorry that the Ministerial victory is so complete. Assuming the Conservative triumph to be a necessity, we could wish that the majority were no greater than what might be described as fairly “workable." Against the solid phalanx of the Ministerialists- and how solid Conservative majorities are, and can remain for years, experience shows—the Liberal Opposition will be almost impotent ; and an impotent Opposition is not a good thing for any country. With a large and docile majority in the representative Chamber, and a House of Lords that is practically his own political possession, Lord Salisbury will be very powerful—too powerful—during the next few years. No doubt ho will have to reckon with the Liberal - Unionist clement in the Cabinet and the House of Commons, and this tact may possibly save the country from the old apathy of Conservative administration ; but the outlook is somewhat doubtful. Some of the incidents of the election have been sufficiently surprising. Four Cabinet Ministers have suffered defeat, though we are glad to say that Sir William H arco urt has already found another seat. Mr John Mobley, who has managed Irish affairs so capably under Mr Gladstone and Lord Rosebery, has been rejected at Newcastle, where he has always had to fight hard, while Mr Shaw Leeevre and Mr Arnold Mobley—much more ordinary men, both of them—have also lost their seats. Messrs Hibbert, Russell, and Spencer are the subordinate ox-Ministers who have fallen on an evil day ; and against all this there are no Conservative disasters of a like nature to chronicle. The tale of Liberal gains is pitiably short, and, truth to tell, not very important. On the other hand, seats have been gained by the Ministerialist party throughout the length and breadth of the country. Even Northampton has divided its allegiance, sending a Conservative along with Mr Labouchere ; while such constituencies as West Ham, Bethnal Green, Rochdale, Bedford, and many others that might be named have made surprising changes in their representation. The Conservatives have swept the boards at Bradford, capturing all three seats, and Manchester gives five out of six seats to the same party. Contrary to expectation, Mr Gladstone has not been replaced by a Tory at Midlothian, but there is no disguising‘the fact that in many cases Liberal members, where they have retained their seats, have obtained diminished majorities (though some of the county elections during the last week have been less unfavorable in this respect). This has been specially the case in regard to the Labor members, Mr John Burns and Mr Fenwick. being striking instances ; while others—notably Mr Keir Hardie— have lost their seats outright. Mr Hardie is no great loss, lie distinctly failed to make his mark in the last Parliament. Messrs Ben Tillett and Tom Mann have failed to secure seats, and the Labor party or parties can hardly fail to see in these results—and perhaps in the general result of the election-an indication that they would do well to modify the extravagance of their language and their demands. Mr Asquith, the popular and capable Home .Secretary of the Gladstone and Rosebery Administrations, is one of the few Liberals who go hack with an increased majority. We must not fail to notice the extraordinary number of uncontested returns—the vast majority of these being on the Conservative side—and it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that the Liberals have given a number of seats away in this foolish and feeble fashion. “Unready” must he writ large over the doors of many a Liberal Association, and we can think of no adequate excuse for this wholesale supineness. It must be added that Lord Rosebery's Government made a great mistake in not pushing on. the question of electoral reform during the last Parliament. A Bill on this subject could almost certainly have been carried through the House of Commons, and the peers, if they had not passed it, would at least have had the responsibility of rejecting it. As for the causes of the present reaction, wo take it that a general sense of insecurity and dread among those people who have what is called a stake in the country has been a factor of considerable importance. To the fear of Socialistic tendencies among those “ who have '' must he added the fact that the late Government did not do much to arouse the enthusiasm of those who “have net.” The coalition of the Conservatives with the Liberal - Unionists may have excited hopes that reasonable refoim may go hand in hand with Conservatism in the policy of the next few years. Again, the attack upon the Welsh Establishment has doubtless frightened the Church party into very effective lighting order, while it may be taken for granted that the liquor interest has not been backward in taking the field against supporters of the late Government. Moreover, apart from the liquor traders, there seems to be no doubt that the Local Option Bill decreased the popularity of the Rosebery Government. The ‘Westminster Gazette iLiberal) practically admitted as much a few weeks back, and urged the late Government to abandon the measure. Then again, as Sir Charles Dilke says, there has been the withdrawal of Mr Gladstones tremendous personality, “which has not been replaced by Lord Rosebery." The Liberal majority at the election of 1892 was only about forty, and probably the Conservatives would have won on that occasion had it not been for the Grand Old Man's overpowering prestige. He has now left the battlefield, with the result that the personal forces are more equal than heretofore. From a personal point of view there is not much to choose between Lord Salisbury and Lord RosejiEUV ; perhaps the Conservative leader has the advantage. Finally, it would be idle to deny that the electors have given their sanction to the continuance, for the time being, of the power of the House of Lords. We regret the fact: but fact it is. Doubtless the

day of reform is only postponed, but in the hour of this great Conservative triumph the reformers will hardly be able to avoid a feeling of discouragement and misgiving.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ESD18950730.2.2

Bibliographic details

Evening Star, Issue 9771, 30 July 1895, Page 1

Word Count
1,120

THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT Evening Star, Issue 9771, 30 July 1895, Page 1

THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT Evening Star, Issue 9771, 30 July 1895, Page 1

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