THE EIGHT HOURS BILL.

Evening Star, Issue 8770, 10 March 1892, Page 1

THE EIGHT HOURS BILL.

It is to be noted, as a matter of some significance; that the Government did not include in the batch of measures introduced in the especial interests of the Labor party .the Eight Hours Bill, which has been the favorite stalking horse of a certain class of our politicians for so many years. The motion: for leave to introduce such a Bill was the first notice given last session, and stood at the top of the first Order Paper ; but beyond a formal first reading the Bill never proceeded. Being promoted by a private member, it could only be touched on the days set apart for private members' business, and these were few and far between, since the Government annexed them on various pretexts. On August 11 Mr Fisher asked'the Premier whether the Government would give any facility for the discussion of this Bill, and expressed the hope that they would either " take, "charge of it or give some special "facilities for the discussion." Mr Ballanoe curtly replied that " Thursday week" would be set aside for private members' business, and possibly the honorable gentleman would then " have an opportunity of bringing "forward this measure. If he had not, "and the course of public business " permitted of it later on, they would be " very happy to set aside time for the " discussion of the Bill." Ministers, it is thus sufficiently evident, do not care one straw about the matter; and it has not, indeed, to our knowledge, been referred to in speeches from the: great Liberal platform during the recess until Mr W. Hutchison took the boards on Tuesday evening. The honorable gentleman affirmed that "nearly all the flour mills in New " Zealand run twelve-hour shifts night "and day." He stigmatised such a state of things as intolerable. " So "long as men were out of employ- " nient, and so long as there was such " interference with health and educa- " tion and social and family life, it be- " hoved them to agitate, and not to rest "until there was legislative sanction " for eight hours' labor in the colony; " and they should fight for that till " there was a prospect of getting seven " or six hours." The eight-hour question will doubtless be raised next session—it is, under existing circumstances, too good a card not to be played. The advocates of a legal working day of eight hours anticipate that three distinct advantages would result. First, the absorption of the unemployed into the ranks of the producers —a social benefit of no mean importance. Secondly, the improvement, physical, mental, and moral, which may be calculated on in the culture of the workers an advantage, again, which, if realised; cannot be questioned, since, rightly regarded, social government exists for no other purpose than to enact such measures as shall tend to elevate and ennoble the people. Thirdly, it is* believed that under this system a larger proportion of the wealth created by the worker would be conceded to him. This is a brief but explicit statement of what is hoped to be secured by the limitation of the working day; and as to the advantages themselves no one, in these days of enlightenment, would presume to" question the desirability. The question, however, is: "Are they "likely to result from the measure " advocated, and are there no counter- " balancing evils to be apprehended V %t is assumed that, by reducing the hours, of work, a larger number of hands will be required. The amount of work to be done is thus regarded as a fixed quantity, in which all might share equally. This is entirely a fallacy, the consideration being ignored that if the cost of production is augmented, as it must be, if more hands are employed to do the same work, the employer cannot expect to increase his turn-over, or even maintain his sales, On the contrary, a proportionate falling off in the demand for the commodities produced must be expected, with the inevitable result that the problem of the unemployed would remain unsolved, since even a smaller number of men, working the reduced hours, might be required than under pre-existing conditions. As to the second point—namely, that the increase of time at the disposal of the worker, through the limitation of the hours of labor, would afford more scope and opportunity for improvement, mental, moral, and physical— there pan. be no question. Advantages would accrue in the case of those who have to work long hours, and are practically debarred, to a more or less extent, from social intercourse and the possibilities of self-improvement Among those engaged in manual work in this Colony there are few who are thus circumstanced—eight hours is the almost universal rule. There are employments, however, it must with regret; be admitted, in which little better than white slavery prevails; whilst great difficulties present themselves in the way of affording relief. Social reform, unfortunately, is nowadays so, frequently taken up with the object o£ making that the main point is 'neglected in the advocacy of measures so extreme and impracticable as to ensure defeat The third advantage claimed for the legal limitation of the hours of labor is that this, would aid to bring about an increase in the share of the worker in the wealth produced. A large and complex question is here involved; and, as usual, with those who advocate reforips of Wioiw. charactew on this ground, a great deal is taken for granted j wliikt'the aMost positive certainty of r sjbg,, prices of commodities being in-

creased in proportion to the coat If poductipn ,i 3 ignored. Thef« if, an ide% i w«fi,ip-»Wftise t among Socialists that ail difficulties might ; be i; disposed of by St«fje regulation and limitation of profits. Public opinion is hardly «pe, however, for the contemplation of stfchahexjferlmentu Theproblemwhith .feally.presents ituelf. is thk: How are the unemployed to-be absorbed into the army of workers, and at the same time the .present rate of wages maintained? Only one practical solution suggests itself. The field of production must be enlarged, and the demand for the commodities produced increased by improvement in quality and meeting the price at which they are placed in Home and foreign markets. To these ends the State, without going beyond its proper functions, may do much the encouragement, for instance, of technical education, and the relief of staple industries' from special burdens, such as are in this Colony imposed by the so-called protective duties and class taxation. Greater efficiency in wealth production mast of necessity bring about conditions of prosperity, in which the workers would undoubtedly share in good wages and constant employment.