PREMIERS' STATEMENTS

Evening Post, Volume CII, Issue 49, 26 August 1921, Page 11

PREMIERS' STATEMENTS

NAVAL DEFENCE AND THE

PACIFIC

ANGLO-JAPANESE TREATY

(FKOH OUR OWN CCrtRBSI'ONDUNI.)

LONDON, 6th July. Following upon Mr. Lloyd George's opening speech in the Imperial Conferonce, each of the Prime Ministers and :'Mr. Siistri dealt with the general aims of the Conference, and gave their respective opinions on some of the main questions to be considered. The speeches expressed warm appreciation of the 'British Prime Minister's address, which was described as one which would command the confidence of the people of the Dominions Miroughout the Empire. Mr. Meighen's speech was ■ cordial but non-committal. It suggested that he was still feeling- his. way. Mr. Hughes, ok the other hand, covered broadly the whole programme of the Conference, and made clear Australian policy. He spoke strongly against the proposed "Constitutional Conference next year; and it is considered now that the Conference is not likely to be held. General Smuts made the keynote of his stirring speech the aspiration for world peace on the foundation of an Anglo-American understanding. The Pacific,-he maintained, was the great centre for world issues now. Mr. Massey voiced the .robust Imperial patriotism of New Zealand. Then Mr. Sastri made it clear that India did not intend .to raise the question of free Indian immigration into the Dominions.

Mr. Meighen said that the words of encouragement which Mr. Lloyd George had given were very welcome. "In Canada,' he said, "we do not suffer in the same degree from unemployment, but none the less' we have much more than the- normal. The extent and proportion of our agricultural population is such that we have, in our belief, less unrest than in most countries, and we feel as well that our comprehensive and reasonably generous policy towards returned men, particularly to those entering iupon agriculture, has reduced the evil in that respect." The information the British Prime Minister had given as to the reestablishment of actual peace upon the basis of peace treaties was indeed encouraging. Regarding the Japanese Treaty, "possibly in the outlying- Dominions we are not disposed to. give the same attention to the importance of miti gating racial divisions. I, representing Canada, approach this question with a full sense of responsibility and with a firm resolve to reach, if it can be reached, common ground with all representatives NEED OF PUBLICITY. " The Prime Minister referred to suspicions that- had been generated of designs on the autonomy of the Dominions, conspiracies to bring about revolutionary ; changes'in our constitutional relations. I do not think any responsible represen-' tative of any Dominion, I am quite certain of Canada, and no "member of the Government of Canada, requires to have Tiis mind cleansed of evil thought in that respect. There can bo no doubt as to the value of conferences such as this. For this Britannic Commonwealth of nations this method or principle has a peculiar significance. We are united by the history of our being, by a mutual trust, and by- a fundamental intention to preserve a common allegiance. We therefore confer, under conditions particularly favourable, in free and open communication one with another and in.an atmosphere of complete mutual confidence. If our conclusions are to be sound, and, being sound, to be acted upon,-they must be accorded not only general support but intelligent support throughout the countries we represent. It is, therefore, essential that we fully inform the public of our proceedings. It is better in the long run to err on the side of publicity than on the side of secrecy. And such conferences as these should be as frequent and as regular as the growing necessities of inter-Domin-ion and inter-Empire relations demand." A VOICE IN FOREIGN POLICY. Mr. Hughes expressed earnestly the hope "that this Conference will dt> something which will convince the people ( that we have found a practical and sure way of bridging that chasm which divides complete autonomy of the several parts of the Empire from united action upon matters affecting us all. The share in the councils of the Empire in regard to foreign policy must be a * real one, mast be one of substance and not merely a shadow. This involves some kind of machinery. Wars arb hatched by foreign policy. N# one is able to say that any act affecting foreign nations will not, in the fullness of time, lead, to war. The most apparently trivial) and innocent action may involve us in international turmoil, and in the fullness of time bring us to the bloody plains of war. Now, if we are ip have an effective voice .in the foreign policy "of this country, we must/first ol all know precisely how we stand and the reasons for the policy adopted and the extent .to whioh we are committed to it. How are the Dominions t& have an effective voice on foreign policy when, as things stand, they can only be told- that things have been done, and, not consulted beforehand? It is absolutely essential, if wo are going to have any effective voice in foreign policy, that we shall be in the closest possible touch with you and with each other, and that we shall know, not when the thing is done, but before the thing is done, what is intended or what is desired to be done. Yet in foreign policy you cannot delay. Action is imperative. A thing that is possible to-day is impossible to-morrow, and action must be taken. So if we are going to have a real voice in foreign policy, then wo must have improved, communication—means whereby you will be able to communicate' quickly with your»colleagues overseas, arid they with you and with .each other," CONFERENCE WITH AMERICA AND JAPAN. Mr. Hughes turned then to the AngloJapanese Treaty; "The attitude of Australia, towards it has 'been quite clearly stated. No doubt it cannot, be .renewed precisely in its present form. It must conform to the requirements ,6f the League of Nations. But tlia oaae for renewal is very strong, if not indeed overwhelming. To Australia, as you will quite understand, this Treaty with Japan has special significance. Speaking broadly, wo are in favour of its renewal. But there are certain difficulties which must be faced. It may be laid down as a 3ine qua non that any future treaty with Japan to be satisfactory to Australia most specifically exclude the possibility of a war with the United States of America. It ought to do this specifically, but if not specifically tli en by implication so clear and unmistakable that he who runs may iread. Subject to that condition, which is not a new condition at all, because Japan has accepted the position formany years, Australia is very strongly in favour of the renewal of the Treaty. If Japan is excluded from the family of great Western nations -and to turn our backs *on the Treaty is 'certainly to- exclude Japan—her high national pride will be wounded in its most tender spot. Whether it would be wise to invite a conference with America, and Japan to ascertain what %vould be mutually acceptable is a suggestion which I throw out. If one -wcro quite'sure thai America desired or was prepared to accept what would form a. reasonable baste |

of an alliance with Japan, then I certainly would strongly press the suggestion. But in any case we ought to_ try to ascertain precisely what .America's views are in this most important matter."

On the subject of armaments, Mr. Hughes eaid. : "Let us give the world, weary of war, and staggering beneath its crushing burdens, a lead. Invite the United States of America, Japan, and France to meet us, and agree to stop building more ships. To stop naval construction pending a permanent settlement of the basis for naval power will not prejudice their interests. The relative strength of each will not be affected by stopping now. But, whatever may be agreed upon, ono thing is clear, that we must have such navail defence as is adequate for our safety. Naturally, the amount of force necessary to ensure our safety in a world which has agreed to suspend naval construction, a world in which the three great naval Powers have, for example, come to such an understanding a.s would have the force and effect of an alliance, would be much less than in a world which-, resounds with the clang of hammer beating into shape bigger and still bigger navies. That applies, too, to the renewal or nonreiieival of the Angle-Japanese Treaty, but in any case wo must have such naval defence as is necessary for our security. The war and the PanamaCanal have sliifted the world's stage from the Mediterranean and the Atlantic to the Pacific. Sea power is, and must always be, the determining factor of cur foreign policy. Bint we in the Dominions cannot fairly ask for the right to decide the foreign polioy of the Empire, and say that we will have no part whatever in naval defence; that wo will not pay our share. One principle seoms to emerge, and it is this : I do not think that our share per capita should be as great as Britain's share per capita, because .Britain hais Crown Colonies and dependencies and India to defend. But whatever is our fair share should be borne upon a per capita basis by all the Dominions. That,' I think, is the only fair and proper basi?." Finally, Mr. Hughes maintained that the proposed Constitutional Conference was causing consideraible anxiety, at any rats in Anstralia-. : "Let us lea-ve well alone," he said. "That is my advice."

v PEACE AND DISARMAMENT. "What the world most needs to-day," said General Smuts, "is a return to a peaceful temper and to peaceful and normal industry. That is the test of all true policy to-day. Peace is wanted by the world. Peace is wanted especially by the peoples of the British JSmpire. We have no military aims to serve, we have no militaristic ideals, and it is only, in a peaceful world that our ideals can be realised. We cannot stop with the disarmament of Germany. It is impossible for ua to continue to envisage the future of the world from the point of view of war. Such a policy would be ciiminM, it would be the betiayal of the-causes for which we fought dining the war, and if we embarked on. such a policy, it would be our undoing. If we were to go forward into the future staggering under the load, of. military and naval armaments whilst our competitors in Central Europe were free from the incubus of great armies, we shall be severely handicapped, and in the eiid we shall have the fruits o£ victory lost to us. by our post-war policy. Armaments depend upon policy,<and therefore I press very strongly that our policy should be such as to'make the race for armaments impossible. , The fatal mistake of all ■ would" be a race of armaments against America. America is the nation that is closest to us all in all the.human ties. To my mind it seems clear that the only path of safety for the British Empire.is a path on which she can walk together with America. Ido not wish to.be understood as advocating an American Alliance. It would be undesirable, it would be impossible, and unnecessary. The British Empire is not in need of exclusive Allies. What she wants to see. established is a more universal friendship in the world. We wish to see a real Society of Nations, away from the old ideas and practices of national domination or impe rial domination, which were the real root causes of the Great War. PROBLEMS OF THE PACIFIC. x "Undoubtedly the scene has shifted away from Europe to the Far East and to the Pacific. The problems of the Pacific are to my mind the world problems of the next fifty years or more. Shall we act then in continuous friendly consultation in the true spirit of a Society of Nations, or will there once more be a repetition of rival groups, of exclusive alliances, and finally of a terrible catastrophe more fatal than the one we have passed through? That is the alternative.' That is the great matter we are met to consider in this Cortference. If we are wisely guided at this juncture this Conference may well become one-of the great landmarks in history. It comes most opportune. The American Senate has already made the first move in a unanimous resolution calling for a conference of the United States, the British Empire, and Japan. Japan has been a consistent supporter of, the League of Nations. China is not 'only a member of the League, but has been elected a member of the Council at the last meeting of tihe Assembly at Geneva. All the great parties concerned in the Pacific policy are, therefore, pledged to friendly conference and consultation in regard to what is the most important, possibly the most dangerous, next phase of %vorld politics. 'It is for this Conference of ours to give the lead and guide the Powers , concerned into a friendly conference, or system of conferences, in regard to this great issue. STATUS OF INDIA. "The Maharao of Cntch and I cannot fail to. remember that the position we occupy here is not comparable to the position occupied by our colleagues from the Dominions," said Mr. Srinivasa Sasfcri. "They are called here by virtue of their being Prime Ministers. We come by nomination jrom our Government. We realise that that marks a great difference in our status, although not in the privileges to which we have been admitted 'at these meetings. We have not yet acquired full Dominion status, but wo realise we are planted firmly on the road to the acquisition of that status. There are two topics of high domestic importance. The first is one in which tho deepest feelings of my Mohammedan fellow-countrymen are engaged. On the Maharao of Cufcch and myself, who are Hindus, there rests a very peculiar duty of voicing the feelings of our Moslem fellow-subjects on this occasion. I will only venture •on this remark—that in any arrangements that may be made for the futuro of the Turkish Empire statesmen of the United Kingdom will have to remember that they must show as much chivalry "and tenderness as. may be expected from a mighty victor. There is another subject of great importance—the status enjoyed by Indians in the Dominions of the British Empire. In impressive and far-seeing words, the Prime Minister of South Africa alluded to the establishment of everlasting peace. Peace means a stable and unalterable relationship between communities—based on honourable equality and recognition of equality of status. To embody this idea there are deductions from it now in actual practice, and we aro going to submit, I mean our Indian delegation, for the consideration of this Cabinet a resolution that will be regarded in India as the tost by which the whole question must bo judged. We have already agreed to a bubtraction from the integrity of the rights by' tho compromise of 1918, to wmch my

predecessor, Lord Sinha, was a partychat each Dominion and each self-govern-ing part of the Empire should be free to regulate the composition of its population by suitable immigration laws. On that compromise there is no intention whatever to go back, but we plead on behalf of those who are already fully domiciled in the various self-governing Dominions according to the laws under which those Dominions' are governed—to these peoples there-is no reason whatever to deny the full rights of citizenshipit is for them that we plead, where they are lawfully settled, that they must be admitted into the general body of citizenship and no deduction must be made from the rights that other British subjects enjoy."