Pre-Sessional.

Daily Telegraph (Napier), Issue 5549, 12 June 1889, Page 2

Pre-Sessional.

MR ORMOND BEFORE HIS CON-

STITUENTS.

Mr. J. D. Ormond, M H.R. for Napier, addressed his constituents at the Theatre Royal last evening. Tho building was crowded, there being a sprinkling of ladies in the circle. Tho Mayor presided. The meeting throughout was very orderly, and interruptions were few. The Mayor said : I have much pleasure in presiding here to-night, in order that you might, hear a pre-sessional address from our member, Mr. Ormond. I hope you will give him a fair and impartial hearing, and that those who do not agree with him in his opinions will not interfere. I have much pleasure in calling upon Mr. Ormond to addres« you. Mr Ormond, on rising, wss well received He said :—Mr Chairman and Gentlemen, — Lot me say first that I feel grateful to you for seeing the considerable meeting 1 see before me"to-night. Considering that at tbe present moment there is a very great apathy in public affairs in this colony, it is encouraging to a speaker to know ho has an audience like I see in front of me to-night. I therefore thank you for your attendance. Before I go to subjects on which I propose to speak to you to-night, I desire first to give you the reason why I did not hold a meeting prior to the last session of the General Assembly. It is a custom —and a good custom—for members to meet their constituents before the session opens, but I did not last year. To make myself intelligent, I will ask you to remember the circumstances of tbe last election, for I stand before you for the first time since then, You will remember that the ticket upon which I stood, and upon which the verdict of the country was asked, was whether there should not be large retrenchment in tho expenditure of the country. The verdict of the colony was unmistakably that thero should be very groat retrenchment, and that tho circumstances of tho colony demanded it. Parliament met, and before the Parliament met tho colony emphasised its decision on the question by what to my mind was an unfortunate circumstance—it rejected SIB EOISEKT STOUT. Though I am not on the same side, I think it a great disadvantage for the country, a mistake for the country, to reject its best men on whatever side they aro I think it a misfortune that the colony did not have iv this Parliament the services of Sir Robert Stout. I think the colony has to regret the loss of the services of men like Mr. Rolleston and Mr. Bryce, both of them men of high character and great oxperionco, and who, with Sir Robert Stout, formed a trio which cannot well be spared. Ido not care which side men are on in politics. Tho constituencies make a great mistake when they relegate men like theso to private life. The elections, as I have caid, turned in favor of those who advocated retrenchment, which the Government before did not see their way to make. When Parliament met Sir Harry Atkinson was tho gontlemau whom the Governor called on to form a government for the colony. He undertook that task, but called to his aid men who wero almost untried in politics, at least so far as holding seats in Government wore concerned. At first it was thought that ho would not stand, but a spirit of fair play permeated the Assembly, and it was determined to see what they proposed. They proposed to give effect to the decision of tho colony that there should bo great retrenchment in the public service, that tho fads which had done great mischief should bo abandoned, and they would endeavor to rotrieve tho colony from the state of depression it was in. It was thought fair that tbe Govornmeut should have a trial, and, to the honor of all parties, it was agreed that they should havo fair play. During that session it was acknowledged they could not do anything then to bring down measures to give effect to any policy, but that wo should decide after tho recess if they fulfilled the wants of the colony. If I had called you together before last session I could have told you no moro than 1 have expressed by these few words. I think you will agree with mo it would not be a compliment to call a meeting; at least I thought so, and that was the reason I did not call one. In the address I propose to make tonight I will, so far as 1 am able, refor to all the questions which occur to mo as of groat importance, which will havo to be dealt with in tho ENSUING SESSION. I will avoid a rehash of what has taken place iv the past two sessions. There is one explanation I will make, and I will commence my address by referring to that portion of my subject. The part of the hhtory of the present Parliament which I refer to is the part I took, as your member, when tho present Government made its financial proposals at the opening of last sesision. Following on the exjlanation of what was done in the first session, I may !>uy the Premier, on tho meeting of Pniliament last session, by his statements showed that tho Government had given effect to tho will of the country in one respect—they had mado large savings in the public expenditure, and while their pledge had been that £200,000 should be saved in the services hoforo provided, they showed that thoy had made savings to tho extent of £230,000. That was satisfactory. It was accepted by tho House as a satisfactory carrying out of thoir pledges. But the colony—it is only a year ago, but it is some time looking back— tho colony was in a depressed condition, and tho revenue had fallen very considerably, and Sir Harry Atkinson had to pnnounco that he proposed to save £230,000 on the services of tho year before, but had to announce a largo deficit, revenuo having fallen off, and he had to make proposals to Parliament under which additional revenue—more taxation to the extent of £200,000 should be asked to be levied. That was tbo proposal. Thoso of you who have been at meetings of mine before, especially at the last general election, and before it, will remember that I, when similar proposals were mado by the Stout Government—proposals to raise large revenues by Customs duties that were not justified by the then circumstances of tho colony, tho reasous I thought sufficient to condemn tho proposals of tho Stout Government when they proposed to raiso largo sums by Customs duties, which would fail largely on tho industrial classes, was unfair. I told you so at tho time, and pledged myself to oppose such votes; therefore, when such proposals came down from the Government I was supporting—as I had been supporting the Atkinson Government—l had to consider whether the ciroumstauces justified tho Government, and whether I was justified, under my election pledges, in supporting such proposals. I gave full weight to what tho

GOVERNMENT HAD BONK.

I considered, and consider now, that thoy had rendered great service to tho colony in the work thoy had undertaken. No one knows better than 1 did tho painfuhiess, the cruel duty, thoy had undertaken—that of cutting down, dispensing with services, doing things that were unpleasant to kind hearted men. They hud dono it, and I felt they deserved consideration from the country. But when it came to give consideration to a quo«tion of „ quarter of a million of additional revenue being raised, and that in ft way I had plodgcd myself against, I felt, as the representative of a constituency like this, it was impossible that I oould give my assent. Tho courso 1 took you probably all know, but it is niy duty to explain it to you. I havo already told yon somewhat similar proposals had been mado in tho former Parliament, and I had taken a leading part in getting thoso proposals sot aside and refused. When Sir Harry Atkinson made his proposals in a similar direction, to raise _200,000 by an extension of tho Customs duties, 1 most carefully considered the position. I took into consideration the circumstances I have briefly explained to you, aud I decided my duty was clear ; 1 must make an attempt to avoid that taxation being imposed ou the country. I went frankly to the Government— which up to that time I had supported—and I told the Premier I could not givo assent to his financial proposals ; that, iv my opiniou, tho Parliament, to put that class of taxation on, was unfair in its incidence to tho industrial classes; they would have to bear tho bulk of tho taxation, while thero were in the services recommended by tho Government many items for which taxation ought to bo increased. I proposed to tho Government that thoy should boo their way to n reduction in many services. Of course, I was told tho Government had made up its mind as to tho financial proposals. On my assuring the Premier that I must make certain proposals, tho Premier informed me ho would not bo a party to preventing these proposals being discussed.

I TABLED BEeOtOTIONS, which were to tho effect of doing away with government provision for certain services, services which I, in my address to you during the election, had told you I thought, could bo bettor paid otherwise—by local taxation on property. At any rate, I mado proposals, ami labletl resolutions, which, if they had been given effect to, would havo avoided tho imposition of £260,000 of Customs duties. The items which I enumerated in the resolutions were first a saving of £26,000 could bo mado in raising the school ago to six years. It is not necessary for mo to go into tho question, and how far that is desirable, or not. The cause of education would not suffer, and the saving was ono that wnsjustifiahlo. Another recommendation mado

was that the £64,000 subsidies to local bodies should also be done away with. That is a big item. It is money which the Government pay local bodies in the colony. It goes to the Road Boards, County Councils, Municipalities, and other local bodies. At the last election I told you I thought it would be to the economical working of those bodies that, they should directly raise the taxation required for their own purposes. I still think that charges which are for the purpose of subsidies should be raised by the people, and they would then look after them better than when they are drawn from extraneous Bouroes. It was an unjustifiable thing absolutely to Bay £64,000 of Customs duties should be levied to go in the aid of a service of subsidies, subsidies being for the diminution of rates paid by property owners. • I don't think tho proposal was at all a justifiable one, because at that time we were in the very worst times, resulting out of the late depression. We saw our industries working half time. There were large numbers of unemployed in the colony, and it appeared to me a very inopportune time to increase the duties on those olasses. I felt it my duty to take the course I have told you ; the course was in accordance with ray election pledges, it was in accordance with the course I took when tho Stout-Vogel Government made similar proposals, and during the whole of theso years I had endeavored to the best of my ability to prevent taxation being imposed on particular classes. A very peculiar position of parties took place on these proposals, and to make you understand it is necessary to glance at. this. I have already explained to you the position I took, and there were many other gentlemon holding similar views to mine who held similar opinions, and gave the Government notice that on their financial proposals we should not support them. Another important seotion—the party who put the Government in office—were gentlemen who sail under the name of Free Traders. They wero very angry, much more indignant than myself, and regarded the proposals as unreasonable, not to be defended. They looked upon it as an outrage on their opinions. The Free Trade party were not numerous. They, number thirteen or fourteen, but they had been for a number of years the backbone of support of Sir HarryAtkinson. They had stood for him in all former fights, and they were the men on whom he I wonder how he ever forced himself to mako such proposals. It must have been a great sense of duty, for the proposals wero bound toseparatef rom himself so faithful a band of followers as the gentlemen to whom I refer were. The Free Trade members ' ranked among tho most honored men. They included Captain Russell (for Hawke's Bay), Mr. Bruce (of Rangitikei), Mr. Beetham, and Mr. Macarthur, gentlemen who are of exceeding high characters, and who as supporters are the very best olaas of men any leader could have to follow him.. These gentlemen having determined to sever the connection, thoy gave notice that they could no longer support him. I know of no act of a public man which could be looked upon with so much regret as separating himself from a JJODY OP SUPPORTERS. Ho must have done it out of a sense of great public duty, but I cannot envy him having done it. The action placed the Government in a minority, instead of being a Government with a big majority as they had been up to that time. What between the Free Traders and thoso who, liae me, could not support them, tho Government were in a decided minority. That was the position, and it lookod very much as that we were going to have another of those episodes—that of changing Governments for some time. The resolutions which I gave notice of wero to come on. Before they came on the Opposition proper, which calls itself the " Liberal party" in New Zealand, had a meeting, and thoy determined they would support the Governr ment proposals. They saved the Government again, but it was a majority of those who were their determined political opponents. The reason the Opposition ■ gave for supporting the Government proposals was that these proposals i were of a protective character. That is quite true to a certain extent. ; The proposals of the Goverement were proi tective, to say one-half of the amount to bo > levied. The Opposition, being Protectionists, said it was justifiable to put the taxl ation on tho country, and the olass they profess to be the special guardian of, for the i purpose of getting Protection. lam not a . strong Protectionist, although, as I told i you at the last election, I am not a Free ■ Trader. Quite the contrary; I was and am i of opinion that if there are duties to be iml posed, these duties shall be on such lines as > will give enoouragemont to local industries. I don't carry my opinion of Protection to * the length the Liberal leaders do. I don't , think it is advisable to put burdens on those * unable to bear them for the purpose of get- . ting Protection. The Opposition at this I time was an extraordinary mixed one. * There was a Government which had thrown , away its support which stood in a minority. F There was an Opposition, that ought to be [ opposing duties to bo put on the industrial classes though they could not bear them, > going to help to put them, on, and there t were others who had tho feeling, ■ their loaders had abandoned them. t They wore prepared to go any length to I dispense with their services. It was under ■ such circumstances that my resolutions were I proposed to the Assembly. After this lapse ; of time I think my proposals were wise ; proposals, reasonable proposals, and right proposals, and it would have been in the interests of the colony to consider whether thoy could not do without services that were 1 tut necessary to bo provided for in that 1 way rather than for the sake of an idea to impose taxation that was not required. : When these proposals came up for oon- ! federation by the Assembly a gentleman who acted—l won't say leader—who acted for the Opposition, when my motion had,to 1 be moved, although in no sense does he ; consider himself a leader, he intervened between thete resolutions and the chair, and he got up and moved something elsej He wasted half an evening away whether we should divide on my resolutions or not. It was decided we should, and then, by the vote of the Opposition those resolutions, whir.h said wo should not impoßo Customs duties because they were unfair in thoir imposition, but in place we should do awiy with the subsidies and make tho money raised by them be raised by taxation on property, and raise the school age to six years, and if more money was wanted we should lower the sum under which there is exemption from property tax, wero shelved. All these things appeared fairor and preferable, and more in conformity with the views of tho country, than putting taxes on those who were not able to bear them. There was no decision on this question ; the

PERVIOUS QUESTION WAS CARRIED,

The House decided to go into Committee of Supply, and thereby my proposals were shelved. Tho only way those proposals were set aside was by the aid of what is called the "Liberal party" in New Zealand. I leave those who are members of that party to reason from that; it is not for mo to draw deductions. I favor Protection so far as it can be imposed in preference to other duties, when it will produce local industries, but I am not in favor of putting on duties when they are not necessary. The tariff proposed by the Premier" was about half Protectionist. For instance, there was tea —it is ridiculous to speak of that as a protected item, and one entirely consumed—that is nine-tenths of the duty, will fall on tho working classes. There were cottons, another -cry large item—there was no Protection. There was salt, and many other items. What I have never heard justified by those Protectionists is how they could reconcile putting on taxes like these, which were to be borne by the industrial classes. If they had allowed the resolutions I moved, and which the Government wero willing should be discussed—if they had assisted, all these things might havo been struck off, and the duties might not bo charged on many things at present dutiable. I don't like referring to personal attacks that have been made on myself, but lately there havo been very many. I was going to say not attacks on rao as a publio man, but sneering attacks from the publio press that my votes wero going in the direction of what would bo my own interest. Has my action in the Assembly during tbe last two Parliaments justified such attacks P Were these duties against my personal interests or tho class to whom I belong? Common sense will tell you that I was acting because I thought the class I belonged to should bear the burden of what has been imposed on the industrial classes. I think a public man should be judged by public actions, and nothing else. That is all I desire to bo judged by by you. I am going te say a word or two upon the position taken up by the Opposition to the Government in respect to those financial proposals, because 1 think they havo been disregarding the interests of the people of whom they profess to bo the guardians. Every bread winner who earned a pound has now to got twenty-two shillings before he can purchase the things necessary for his own use and tho use of his family. It is not a matter of unconoorn. They wero imposed for tho unreasonable idea of tho necessity of Protection, by those who ought to have been his defenders. But the "Liberal party" then, and in the speoches which havo lately been made through the colony, claim this was done for patriotic motives and for Protection. I have shown you thoso dtitios were not Protective, and I don't hesitate to tell you that the Opposition meant not so much the carrying of protective duties as that they were going to turn tho Government out as soon as thoy had carried their tariff proposals. It was an amusing gamo to watch the Opposition helping tho Government to do what they ought not to have done, thinking they wore going to get offico as thoir reward. They did not got offico, aud other men behind the scenes knew there was no ohanco of it. Captain Russell has declared what I heard from himself aud others at Wellington— directly tho Government were in the position of having lost tho support of thoso who had left them, the Opposition opened overtures to tho Free Traders. But Captain Russell, a gentleman who does not say anything unless he knows it to be correct, in his address, has declared these overtures were not met. I cannot compliment tho '' Liberal party" on tho action of its leaders. Such action is derogatory to political men. I know nothing that has occurred more derogatory to tho character of politicians than what I have described. I am going to refer to a little evidence in support of

What I have advanoed; it is furn : shed In • f very peculiar waj. During the last few ,; V weeks or months a journal which has a very ■'!■■ 'I . considerable circulation and consideration in [ I tho colony—the Wanganui Herald—has ; t devoted kind attention to myself. One of ..' pur local papers, who believes very muoh in >'.'4 the Wanganui Herald, has copied its articles, and it has told you in a leader t recently that the Wanganui Herald has " been iv the same proprietary, and has been I edited by Mr. Ballance, who occupied a leading position in the colony, for twenty- 0* * two years. lam going to show you that V the Liberal leaders entirely justify all I say • about them. The article to whiob. I refer appeared a few weeks ago, and was headed " Ormondism." I read it with great amusement, and I thought the writer must have been suffering PEOM THE* Do_o_*o_3, and in a very bad temper. I ought to surmise that the local paper always points to : ■ ■ me as a gentleman who is an "oldfogey," who has gone out of date, and who has no authority in the colony. All you know the Wanganui Herald is a great deal above the Evening News as an authority, and tho Wanganui Herald says—it calls me all sorts of names, callous, hard hearted, and I may: not tell you all else—l am the power that ' has been keeping the present Gkrvernmenjl m office. I was amazed, I could not what it meant. I could.not suppose that a v gentlemen like Mr. Ballanoe would be any party to such things, but he is the editor and proprietor. (A voice: "He is in Wanganui.") It does not matter his being in | Wanganui. I could not understand what the article was all about. lam very proud v of it, because if Ormondism has done for the country what the Government has done tho last two years it is very good. It is a ridiculous position the Wanganui Herald has putmein. Itallcameoutattheend. It said, , : after calling me all these names, that I had been ruling New Zealand for two years. It said, " This is tho man that prevented us getting into office." I had something to do with it, and I am afraid that every influence I oould I brought to bear in exposing j the shameless proceedings of the Liberal leaders. They were willing to put taxation Jf on the industrial classes so long aB they got back to office, even if thoy had to make /. terms with the Free Traders. The Liberal *V leaders stand in a very poor position before v. the colony in respect to their action in this \ matter. A word about the position* of parties. I think it is a very curious, position, and I think you will agree with me. We have Sir Harry Atkinson, the Premier of the colony, at the head of a Government which has done a great deal of good work. He has no great following—no great personal following. The men who been have his greatest priitieal friends fot a great oourae of years- Captain Russell one of them— there they were at any moment reedy to upset the coach, and only not doing, so, because they thought the other side a great deal worse. That is not a nice position for tho ' ; - ■■'■■-'«• ' OXJVKENKKOT TO BB'IK. i'- ' ',; A Government, to do the heat Work for the colony, should be in a strong position. Then there are those who, like myself, had differed from, the Government on the financial policy, but believe they are" doing good work in other respects, land they:. are restoring the finances of the colon/,' Then there is the Opposition. They are in a much more curious positaofi than the Government. An Opposition generally hardenV :~* up and fight for an. object, and;, you;have jf^f-' somebody to lead you.- The ptieaent-Op- ( position is a disorganised rabble. Mr. ; Ballance is undoubtedly the man who ought to be the leader of the Liberal party. lam not going to call him hard names. I am not going to reciprocate. He is a gentleman of considerable ability, and has had great -Ay experience in political affairs, and he standi head and shoulders over the other leaders.' Why has he nbt been taking the lead P Because his party won't have him. That Is a curious .position. What I am going to tell you is more curious tfuift that, Mr. Ballanoe has acted wi«_ great' credit to : himself during the last 4wo| sessions. He has been oourteous irihir demeanor, and he has conducted himself asfew publio men oould, beoause it is a'diffi- 1 oult position to know you- ought to be tttV leader and are not. Who has been ptit up* as a leader ? A very nice pleasant gentle- * man called Mr. Lanoe. He became the leader of the Liberal party as a follower of Sir Julius Vogel, who never professed to he '"' a Liberal, but a great Tory. Mr. Lance is 1 a military man, and a very sensible fellow. He is a great old Tory. He, like myselfjis getting up in years. He is a soldier who": has got into the Liberal ranks, and whoi igoes like an old troop horse—he goes back-*:--! wards and forwards. Is it not- a curious/* thing that this gentleman should be leader i, of the Liberal party in New Zealand.- Her is a great old Tory and a fine old gentle-/ man. I invite you, gentlemen of the\ Liberal persuasion to think it over. He is a very much bigger Tory than I am. Any man who comes before his constituents , ought to go into questions he knows are '"*• going to be publio questions. I do claim I} f do that, and I speak straight, so thaty ' whether you agree with me or not, understand what I mean when you go '■ ■-W away. The first question is the ' ;; LANO O.UKSTION. Before this Parliament wo had as liberal a law—l think the most liberal in the colonies. In this Parliament it has been'; made more liberal. Before land was dis- ' posed of on freehold, deferred payment, for ' cash, and on perpetual lease—although that is a misnomer; there is no such thing in the l colony, and I am glad of it. Under the former Act it was the Minister who decided under what tenure a .particular blook of ■ land should be disposed on, therefore the' power of a Minister was very great. Mr. Richardson, the present Minister for Lands, when he took office, thought that was unfair, and that the people should be the judge as to how tho people should go on the land. The law is altered, and when apiece of land is opened for sale it is not for the >• .Minister to Bay whether it shall be cash, L deferred payment, or perpetual lease, but i the man who takefi it up shall say. We are'; I emerging from the time of difficulty, that is proved by the great additions are taking place in the settlement of country, very little settlement during former government took* plaoe, village settlements. All other systems were at a standstill. But during'"' the two years that are just past, ]M especially during the last year, this has happened in our own district. I take the 1 figures from Mr Fisher. In Hawke's Bay ' last year there were 11,000 acres taken up by 18 settlers; this year 56,000 had been', ' taken up by 158 settleis. In Wellington last year 10,000 acres had been taken up; : this year "0,000 acres were taken up. Settlement is under a law which allows ... 2000 acres as a maximum which can be : taken up. They are all employers of labor; they are subduing what is a wilderness. On our side there is an enormous amount of , settlement going on. That is something to ': iA congratulate ourselves upon. There is not. very much to tell you about the working out of the Land Aot" The settlement which I have described has taken place under what is known as PB_t_TUA_ X.EABS, although that is an entire misnomer. Any man can take up land on lease and hold it for all time, but he can at the Bamo time, whenever his circumstances admit, make it into freehold. This was a compromise arrived at by the late Stout-Ballance Government and those who, like myself, believe in freehold. Perpetual leasing is a misnomer, and does not exist; any man taking *. up land can to-morrow morning make N it freehold. Mr. Richardson, the Minister ; f of Lands, is a gentleman who is generally ; ' ( .. : throughout the colony liked; from i( Opposition members and his own side is receiving kudos as a practical ; man, dovottng himself to a subject whioh ' he understands. He is talked of in our ' own little town as the Minister against ; Lands. The people who talk about him in "»•;. that way know nothing of him. It is •■"■' ignorance. You will read all over the ! colony the best informed men are giving r Mr. Richardson oredit for being a practical ; man, not given to fads, and whose sole aim is to put people on the lands. Who is ••■'•"> Mr. Richardson, whom you read of as " the friend of landgrabbers P" He is a surveyor • by profession, and the representative of cockatoos and a cockatoo Inmßelf, with every desire to settle the land in that way. Which shows the ignorance of people who write of .., him in oortain ways, knowing nothing about him. I have just read a speech by Mr. Cadman, of Coromandel, an out-and-out Oppositionist, and he speaks about Mr. Richardson as the sole man iv the Government that he approved of, and how he is doing all iv the interests of'the small settlers. Which shows you it is well to know what you write about. Mr. Riohardson is working out settlement, in a practical way, and very successful all over New Zoaland. Settlement is beginning to go, and people aro being found to take ' up land undor Government regulations. A *"■»< word or two about the village settlements. I was very much astonished to read in a speech Mr Ballauce mado that he olaimed that tho Assembly gave approval to tho manner in which he had worked out village settlements. He was mistaken in his esti- . mate of the Assembly's opinion on his pillage settlements. Not that the Assembly lesires to do anything but adopt the system f the system can he worked to theadvantage if the people. This village settlement ' question lias been so talked about that you ivould think it emanated from tho lato 3overnmont. Tho MAN WHO OBIGINATED he idea was Sir Edward Stafford, twolve >r fourteen years ago. Ho considered that here were in tho Middle Island largo •states, and in the interests of tho people iteps should bo taken to buy sortie of that and so that access could be given, so that )eople having labor in tho distriot could get lomes. Ho originated tho idea of village lettlemcnts. Tho man who followed him md gave effect to it was Mr Rolleston. He vus a man entirely given tip to land suttlenent, and he utilised a largo numhor of - esorves in the province of Canterbury, cut j horn up, where laborers could get houses \ nd homes where there was no such facility 1 loforo. By that meansho did great service in lanterbury, and gave homes to large num- ' tors of people. He gave the most sensible -& pplication possible to tho system. Then ollowed the Stout-Ballunce Government! it that time there wero great masses of tin- : ■ mployed. Mr. Ballance, who I give horough credit to, in desiring to do every•• hing in his power to ameliorate the conlition of tho people, had not the pracical knowledge to deal with ittotheir.

advantage, because the village settlements established by Mr. Ballance havo not vii the whole been the great success that has been, claimed for thorn. Iv many cases, where judiciously planted, they have been successes... Anybody who knows practically . what this question menus known that vil- " '" lage settlement of a clas* that has no mean . , at all and put on laud, mti.'l mean that '.' men aro to bo kept there by rations, that men in addition to tho rations must have " facilities for getting employment, and without that the holding is a curse to them instead of a blessing. Mr. Ballance did not know of this naoessary factor in the system, and the consequence is—l have it from men who have seen them—that when the men can get three or even two days' work a week thoy are establishing homes, hut when they are in the wilderness their lif ais a cruel and miserable one. I tell you this because I think it is a question which has yet to bo settled, and on reasonable * lines. Any man with right feeling dosircs c • only to see improvement for all classes, and ~. •: especially in land settlement, but let us do it in a sensible way, and that to those put on the land it may be a blessing and not a ; curse. I know it is not every man who is . fit to he put on land. Unless the man has his own NATURAL PROCLIVITY Ts, towards that employment he will never do "•- , anygood.. You miiy put him on land, build a house for him. find rations for him, and in the end he will drift away and be_ of no advantage to the community or himself. This is a difficult question which wants practical knowledge, oareftil selection, and it wants above all things that it should never be done unless you join that village settlement to where capital can employ labor. I beliove in the coming session of the Assembly and I hope that means will be provided to carry on village settlement on such lines, but it must be done with common sense and under tho provisions I havo tried to point out. There are two points in coti*:--etion with villago settlements which should be stated—ono is that it must not be overdone, in districts where thore is a sufficiency of labor. I know cases whero village settlements havo been est*iblished where there was a plethora of labor, and where tbe village settlement acted un- |- fairly towards thoso who had to get on in v life. Tho Minister giving effect to the village settlement must _be careful that he docs not break in on whal must be an assistance to comfort in an established community. Settlements must be within limits. It is an expensive business, the finding houses and the feeding families for two years. It costs money. This money must come out «f tho taxatior of theoountry. The money will not bo lent foi a purpose of that kind. It means that thi industrial classes in the towns from whonr the settlers will be selected will havo tc undergo taxation to assist their fellows. Tc this end, therefore, I say this settlement must be within limits. Do it, get the lane settled as far as it can bo done effectively do it with reason, and do it with coramoi sense, and on the lines I have had to show you.- I don't believe thoro is a secont opinion ir. the Assembly, and you cat imagine Mr. Ballance must bo very sanguini in thinking the Assembly approved of wha he had done entirely, because the Govern, ment asked a vote of £10,000 to buy lam on the system Sir Edward Stafforc established. The Houso said no; thej would wait and get tho report of Mr - Richardson, before thoy would vote money foi I them. Within tho Hues I have describee j you will find me assisting them. The nexl question is NATIVE LANDS. It is a big question. For a number oi years you know I have advocated twe things—that the colony should have resumed tho pre-emptive right; that is, it should become tho buyer of native lands for the purpose of settlement: and I also advocated that the native land lying waste should ho subject to taxation tho same aa European land. I have had a good deal of abuse, especially for my proposal that native land should bo taxed. Last year the Government brought down proposals which •were for the purpose of taxing native lands, and they wero only postponed. It is now understood by all sections of politicians that native lands are to bo taxed like all other land. That is, it ia not to bo allowed to lie wasto as a third of this North Island is lying waste. I believe I was the first in the colony to advocate that, and tho result will be that it will add to the prosperity of the colony. Thoro were attempts last Bewail to pass laws to deal with in the only •way tho present I'arliament will deal with native lands—to give the natives the right to deal with thoir own lands. J have advocated tho Grown resuming tho pro- / eraption, so that tho lauds might ~A be settled. That I know is impracticable. Tho Middle Island members refuse to find tho money to buy land, and Bay it would be unfair to the natives. My proposal ia impracticable; therefore, all that is left now is to get the hind tho same as European lands. That will get thorn occupied ; directly the laud is amenable to taxation it will become too expensive to hold. The rates on land aro ho severe to allow people to acquire land for the purpose of speculation. Following on tho hind question is the question of tho LAND AND INCOME TAX as against the property tax. I regret to tell you this question has not the shadow of a chance of being dealt with by the present Parliament. Thore is in the present Parliament a large majority in favor of the property tax. I am of the samo opinion aa formerly. I believe a land tax and income tax is a fairer tax and better for tho country, but I am one of a minority, who has no chauoe of getting its opinions put into force during the present Parliament. Mind you there was a chance at the opening of the Pa-rliament beforo, when Sir Robert Stout, Sir "Julius Vogol, aud Mr. Ballance took office. If thoy wore true to their pledges the land tax would have been accomplished. They did not carry out that -which they were pledged to do and the time has gone by till the next Parliament. In the present Assembly there is no chance at __ B U of the question being dealt with in tho a majority of tho people desire. I \____W i_»ke this explanation because I was asked by » friend in town when I catuo back from the why I had voted against Sir Qeorg'B Grey's motion. It was a motion a few tfftys before Parliament was broken up A Property Tax Bill was brought ,in to carp- out some of the thing.? that had been settled during the session':, Sir George Grey moved an amendment which was to the effect that a land, tax should tako the placo of tho -property tax. Ido not know whether that man thought that was a practical way of settling the question ; whether, on the evo of breaking up, having settled the moneys to be raised and what was to bo done with them ; then a member got up and made an impracticable proposal, one which had no change of being earned. It m.ght have W wasted a night or two in what are called debating clubs. I did not vote for that proposal because it was a waste of time. AU the Liberal leaders went int.', the samo lobby as I did. Mr. Ballanco did. They all voted as I voted, because it was simply -waste of time, and was so treated. When the time comes, you will find me carrying out tho pledges I have given, and what I believe in. I have, boen asked what is my opinion of tbo BAN FRANCISCO BKRVIOK. I have hitherto voted iv favor of the San Francisco service. 1 havo done so on the ground that the establishment of commercial i relations with a largo country like America -if should bo a great advantage to us. But \ America is evidently not willing to open her * ports to colonial produce. It is quito clear her protective duties keep out our produce, and any advantage that could be got to these colonies, aud we aro not goiug to get any advantage from the service. 1 haro not definitely decided in my own mind tho pros and cons, but I have not tho same friendliness towards tho continuance of this service at I hud in the past, whon I had hoped for commercial relations. We have to consider whether wo should not foster the diroct services, which are giving us advantages. Alternative proposals arc to be mado to Parliament in respect to a service with Canada, where our own fellow colonists are urging us to assist in opening a line, when thoy will interchange commodities with u>-. It will be for Parliani'jut to carefully consider all these proposals, and take into consideration the -* T advantages we are getting from the direct services. There may bo motives and reasons which will be necessary to take into consideration beforo one votes on this question. Another question of large importance to tho centres of population, which is going to be a battle field, ia tho CHARITABLE AID and hospital question. It is of great importance to the towns. To put it in brief, it is an attempt on the part of tho country . districts, and I think an unfair attempt, to \ place on the towns the providing for charitable aid. To my mind—and you know I havo very considerable country interests; they don't inftuonco mo at all—l think it is an attempt on the part of tho country districts to save themselves from what ought to bo borne. All the charitable aid dis- **" tricts are extensive, and therefore the burden has fallen lightly on all. The intention ia to make the districts small, and make the towns provide tho whole burden of charitable aid. It is so unfair a thing that I cannot thiuk Parliament will adopt such a measure, Country inombors last session woro very unanimous in declaring they would emancipate themselves from their share of what ought to be «i common burden. My opinions aro entirely m tht direction of assisting the towns. You can understand what it will be by just considering the position of our own district. We havo charitable aid managed in a way which is a pattern to all New Zealand. The cosi is small, and the comfort of those provide" for very great. I consider the refuge a Napier as creditable an institution as yoi -*>»»- will find from ono end of tho country to th< other, and ut very small cost to tho rate' payors. It' the whole of that cost wen thrown.on Napier it would be very unfair You must know that ir, is the natura sequence of events that the poo I flock to tho centres of population and it is uufau' to say that lb towns should support thoso who have growi old in other parts of tho colony. Tho

EMCTOBAL QUESTION

is a big question. First I should tell you that during tho present Parliament we have SCttied by law that instead of tbo Assembly consisting of 96 members, it shall coii.si.-4 of 74 including the 4 Maori members. I voted •-. .;* i ,;

for . that. I strongly support it still. I think it is a sten in the right direction, and tho curious thine in this—that was the outcome of the elections when men came back from their constituents pledged to it. We aro comiat? to a jreneral election, and twenty-one men aro to go, and it is now quite an illiberal measure. Tho illiberality is twenty-ono men who sit in the Assembly (oust go, and that is tho moaning of the pvesorit uproar. I don't believo it will be upset. To do so you have 'o get the assent of both brauches of the Legislature. Whatever the Houso of Representatives will do, I don't think they will be parties to upsetting the law, but if they were I don't think the Legislative Council would, and thus what has been brought about by the constituencies will bo given effect to. It will be for the benefit of the country. One of the curses of the colony is the

TERRIBLE VERBOSITY ; which rulesi there. Yon have only to go there and experience it, and it would frighten you out of political life. I remember Parliament when I first went into it consisted of very much less than 74 members, and it was a Parliament of a higher character, and did its business better than the present one. I believe the widening of the electorates will mean you will havo better men, and in that sense also tho personnel of Parliament will be improved, and you will got rid of what has been tho curso of New Zealand, intense localism in its politics. I hope there will bo no going back from the reduction of members. That is not tho bill the Government are going to introduce. Tho bill tho Government are going to introduce has two main features, interesting to all who take heed of what is going on in tho colony. One is a proposal to introdnco tho Hare system. For myself, I favor a trial of the Hare system, as it widens the electorates, and will lead to wider viows, more colonial views in tho direction of doing away with localism and log-rolling, things which have been the curse of the present Assembly ef New Zealand. Of courtm, it is a now fangled idea, and wo aro not apt to adopt such. So far as I can judge, it would be an experiment well worth trying. Of courso, to try to introdnco tho Hare system proper, New Zealand would booneeleotorato, and all the candidates would bo voted for by tho people. That, the Government think, would be a great innovation. Their proposal is to have something like the provincial districts where candidates are well known, and to have thesoproviucialdistricts vote for the candidates. Take Hnwke's Bay. Say we had four members; the constituencies which elect members for Napior, Hawke's Bay, Waipawa, and Woodville would all vote for those members. My opinion is it wouldbe a great advantage ; tho representative men would always be to tho front, and you would never havo ft case of men like Sir"Robert Stout thrown out of Parliament. Much is said of the great difficulty of working it. I see no difficulty. [Mr Ormond hero described the working as applied to Hawke's Bay.] Minorities get represented, and that is the ESSENTIAL PART of the system, and which would allow all sides to got represented in Parliament. Tho next part of the bill is very important indeed. No matter what side of politics we aro, it is of tho greatest importance that we should have purity of election. Under tho present law purity does not exist, through tho facilities for fraud and personation, and all other abuses. The* bill which lam sure will be curried—the draft of it was left by Sii* Robert Stout—proposes to adopt what is known as the electoral right system. That is instead of the present system of registration. A man gets an electoral right. He has to take tho trouble to apply for it. Ho writes his name across it, and ho is thereby identified. When ho votes at an election he produces his electoral right. Thoro is no personation possible : thero is no fraud possible ; it is a straightforward English way of doing things. Ono of its I features is that tho roll shall be made up a sufficient time beforo tho election, that due scrutiny shall t*>ko piace. That is also necessary. We know at the last minute names arc put on, and thero is no way of challenging them. When a man has once voted on his right it is done with, and fraud in tho elections of tho future ia impossible. The appointment of the RAILWAY COSmiSSIONEES. I tell you straight, when Parliament settled that question it intended to havo an expert either from tho Old Country or from America, who would bring knowledge to tho subject, and as an expert remedy what wo think many of tho grievances in tho mniiagomcnt of tho railways. lam disappointed such an expert was not got. (A voice: "So is tho colony.") I dou't understand why wo did not get one, for Queensland got large numbers of applications. So far as we know, the Now Zealand Government hud only one gentleman recommended, and ho withdrew almost as soon as his p ■• pel's arrived. Tho Assembly is to receive tho explanation of tho Government on tho matter, so it would not bo reasonable to say what one's conclusions are. A few days ago I saw a letter written by an elector asking mo to ascertain whether it was true that railway plant that ought to bo mado in Napier was being made in Addingtou. I got a promise from Mr. Mitchelaon that all work should bo done in Napior that could bo done. When I saw tho letter I telegraphed to Mr. Mitchelson, asking if it was true, and I will read you his answer:—"l have referred your question, togothor with tho printed slip* * —that is tho letter—" to the Commissioners, and tho following is the reply received :—' No urrangomunt has b;en entered into with Kelso Brothers, or anyono else, for tho supply of ndditiunnl railway stock on the Napier section of railway. Neither is there any additional railway stock being made at Addington for the Napier section." I will always endeavor to get all work done hero, as it ought to be done. I havo seen a bill drawn by- Mr. Fisher, tho luto Mitiister

of Education, and in my opinion it would be disastrous to tho interest of education. That bill proposes to do a way with tho present Education Boards and tho School Cora-

mittees, and to establish in their place a sort of mongrel body between tho two ;

in other words, little Education Boards. Just look how impossible the working of such a thing would be. All tho members, with the exception of town ones would have to travel to some centre. It seems tho most impractihle, unwise proposal 1 have heard for some time ; absolutely im-

possible, and could not be given effect to. Another part of his proposal was to centre in Wellington the main authority. Again I say that would bo tho greatest step toward centralism. I need not toll you lam opposed to anything of the kind. Local management is what is wanted for education, and tho more local you cau make it the better. A Minister has lately spoken on this

juestion ; he has explained not on behalf of ;ho Government. Mr. Fergus recommends

the inspectors being mado colonial officers, he recommends uniformity in examinations' he recommonds having one largo list of teachers for the oolony and regular promotion. Thero is something taking in those proposals on the fuco of them. Let mo tell you some of the difficulties of tho proposals. I agree it, would be an improvement to change the inspectors periodically, but thero are difficulties. I know the staff on Now Zealand. If they were mado colonial officers they would at once bo difficult to work with. I know of plenty inspectors that I would havo nothing to do with. I agree some change in the inspection is desirable, but I am unwilling to take over from tho colony anybody they choose to send. There aro men who, if the}* wero sent here, I would not go on administering the system, because I know it would be a failure. Tho inspectors might meet

ONCE A VEAK,

and tho arranging of the examination form for the whole of tho colon}' would bo a simple mutter. The question of tho teachers having a roll with regular promotion appears taking, until you consider what the principal privilege of tho school committees is—the choice of the master who is to tea'-h their children. Yet, if wu adopted tho system, we would havo to take any man sent. I know men in the lower grades who would be moro suitable, and much moro valued iv tho locality, than men of higher grades. Wo must retain local authority, and that is the direction my vote will go, with the one hope and endeavor to raise tho system and do everything to make it moro valuable to tho people. [Air. Ormond then referred at length to the want of funds for tho proper equipment of the schools.]

TIIE TE KOOTI KI'IBODE

I mention becauao I am iv a measure responsible for what was done. I don't want to recall the miseries of the time when Te Kooti was a curso to thin particular part of tho country. For two years I was directing operations against him and had driven him out of this part of tha couutry. I havo a lively recollection of all tho horrors attending that time. I entirely disagreed with my friend, Mr. Bryce, when ho pardoned Te Kooti. I think it was a jtreat mistake. There was no necessity for doing it. We were Englishmen ; tho time had gone by; this creature was out of our sight. ' He had offended tho laws, ho had committed groat crimes, and he was amenable to the laws. The other day, when he mado up his mind to go to Poverty Bay, it became a difficult question. What right hud any person to stop him r Ho had tho samo right as any other person to act. under tho law. Tho Poverty Bay people naturally enough considering what they suffered from him audhis followers, wero very excited, and took strong notion—the action thoy take iv America. Tho country will take into its own bands the dealing with the matter. At this timo Sir Harry Atkinson was in Napier. Just then Te Kooti was on his way to Poverty Bay. The Premier recognised the Government hud very great risks before thoy broke on the privileges of tho individual. To Kooti, fortunately I think, gave tho excuse to the law to remedy what was going to bo a «rcat trial for our fellow colonists in Poverty Bay. Ho did uot come as a man travelling about quietly, hut came with a host of two or threo hundred followers. Ho went to Opotiki and planted his sentinels. Directly I heard that had taken place I saw Mr To Kooti had put him-.tlf in our hands, und it was perfectly right to stop any man going about tho country making himself a terror. I •rave Sir —Carry Atkinson tho advice to rrisifit. on that man being taken or sent buck to whoro he had cumo from. It would be a cruel thing to allow him to return to Poverty Bay and outrage the feelings of tho settlers there, who had suffered to much by him. .■ '■•

CONCLUSION. Mr. Ormond concluded by saying he regretted to see some members in addressing their constituencies had indulged in gloomy forebodings of the future of the colony. His belief was r.tiey were' on tbe eve of better times, and it depended on themselves whether they became very prosperousmore so than they had ever been accustomed to. They were recovering from the large indebtedness of the oolony and individuals. Excessive borrowing had been the curse of New Zealand, They had. made railways which the Commissioners now only ran trains on once a week. That meant they 1 had borrowed for works that were not justifiable. '1 hat had been a severe drain and strain on the people of the colony. Numbers of properties were held by occupiers as bailiffs of monetary institutions. They get nothing from them; thoy are merely there till the properties can change hands. When these properties changed hands more labor would be employed, which would redound to tho prosperity of all classes. Fads had done much harm to the colony , it prevented desirable settlers throwing in their lot with them. Men had told him'they liked the country, liked the properties he had recommended to them, but they said they did not like our politics. They did not like the doctrines some of our public men and some of the newspapers preached, and theso men wero driven out. The oolony had decided it would have no moro fads They might believe him, there was a great future for New Zealand, if they were true to themselves. Mr T. W. Bear proposed a hearty vote of thanks to Mr Ormond for his clear and ablo address. Mr T. Sidey seconded tho proposition, which was carried unanimously, and the meeting terminated, none present desiring to ask questions.