THE NORTHERN SEPARATION AND

Daily Southern Cross, Volume XXIII, Issue 3058, 15 May 1867, Page 6

THE NORTHERN SEPARATION AND

To the Editor of the Daut Southmin Cross. SiK,-It seems to be the fate of all new movements not only to meet with acrimonious opposition, but also with underhanded and unfair treatment. Such, It leak is the fate of the Northern Separation and Keform League. But, before going into a statement of its defence, I will make a few preliminary observations. , . The people of this province have been too apathetic,and they are beginning to see it. In the past they have acted on the principle that what is every body's business is nobody's. They allowed themselves to be influenced in too great a degree by some of the so-called monopolists of wealth, who, in ■olicitiug their support, generally used them for their own purposes, and led them as sheep to the slaughter. But they now see that their own interest is to attend to their interests, and they are unwilling to be led any longer by the nose by any persons who, on the score of wealth or bank influence, would dictate to them what they should do, at the same time laughing in their slesves at the simplicity of their victims. , It may be asked, Why do you, a young man, ana comparatively unknown, interfere in politics ! My answer is, that about three yeaw ago I was, pecuniarily speaking, ruined for a time through politics, or rather the neglect of them. A few persona of capital clamoured for war, and made the community almost mad for it. They had their wish ! The Kifle Volunteers, of which I was a member, were died out on active service. I was absent from town with them for several weeks, and thill, too, at a critical period in my private affairs. I think 1 was the only member of the legal profession who then belonged to ihe Kifle Volunteers ; consequently, absence from my professional duties was the more detrimental to my interests. The war resulted u the aggrandisement of a few contractors, and men of that kind, but in the temporary ruin of many of the community, myself amongst the number. lam persuaded that if the people, individually and collectively, hid studied politics, they would have been too wise and enlightened to have rushed into the suicidal policy into which they were led by persons whose opinions they then took for gospel. In entering into a partial defence of the League, I will divide the subject into four heads, treating each in as brief and succinct a manner as possible, 1 . The origin of the League. 2. Its objects and principles. 3. The objections raised against it. * 4. The measure of success which is likely to attend it. After which, I will make a few concluding remarks. 1. The origin of the League. This took place under the following circumstances. A notice, of which the following is a copy, appeared in the newspapers in the earlier part of last month : — "northern association. " The annual public meeting of the Northern Association will be held in Mr. Cochranes auction mart, Fort- street, on Monday next, the 15th instant, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. (Signed) " P. Dignan, " President. "April 12, 1867." This meeting, according to the notice, was held at the time and place indicated, the president in the chair. Ihe meeting resolved, after some discussion, "That the Northern Association do now lapse into a new organisation under the name and title of the Northern Separation and Keform League." Messrs. Dignan, Creighton, Lee, Mitchell, Staines, Merrett. T. Macfarlane, and C. A . Harris were appointed a Provisional Committee to draft a constitution and rules, and to lay them before a public meeting to be called at a future time. Thus was the present League formed, and the old Northern Association merged into it. 2. Its objects and principles. These are pretty well explained in its constitution, from which I will extract the following paragraphs : "The establishment of a sound and lasting peace between Maoris and Europeans. '• The free and active exercise of the political, civil, and religious rights of the people, by the establishment of equal political, civil, and religious rights between Maoris and Europeans, both being alike British subjects, and therefore entitled to all the rights and subject to all the obligations of British citizenship. " The establishment of a separate Government for the Northern Island. " The rapid individualisation of the Maori title to land. "The convening of public meetings throughout the Northern Island to agitate for and obtain direct and free intercourse between Maori and European citizens, and the continuous and effectual agitation of all important political principles. " That the people of this portion of New Zealand, both Maori and European, desire the free exercise of the civil and political intercourse of its people with each other, and will resist, by all constitutional means, the usurpation and domination of the Southern men in the control and direction of the internal policy of the Northern Island." The paragraphs are short, but embody important principles. They might, perhaps, have been more elegantly and perspicuously stated, but the salient points are nevertheless sufficiently brought out. I will enlarge on one or two of them. 1. As to Separation.: If the attainment of this object is absolutely necessary in order to restore the general prosperity of the province, no other course of action but that indicated by the League can bring it about. Agitation is the grand appliance to be used. If the South is deaf to all argument, we must call forth from thd inhabitants 6f this province an overwhelming and ' menacing expression of popular feeling. It must be unanimous, decided. Large mass meetings should be convened. We should copy the example of our Otago compatriots j refer to history. Look at' the circumstances connected with the history of the celebrated Reform Bill of 1831 ; they will teach us a lesson : The bill was supported with all the personal influence, position, and talent of such men as Lord John Russell, Earl Grey, Henry Brougham — backed by the whole strength of the great Whig party; but they were defeated time after time. It was not till the whole country was roused, till monster petitions were prepared, till immense meetings of the populace were taking place everywhere, till the peasantry and middle classes rose as one man in the assertion of what they conceived to be their rights, and the country seemed on the ere of rebellion, that the stubborn Tory Government and party gave way. They succumbed to agitation, carried out in its fullest and completest sense, after they had turned a deaf ear for years to the logic and eloquence of the'greatest and most influential reformers. 2.) Another important object the League has in view is the " general;' continuous, and effectual agitation of all important political principles..? ' Of course, this clause has a wider application than a meie reference to the Separation question. The people have not been politically educated. The League has not the presumption to take for granted that it can do this of itself, but it may materially assist by inviting the people to attend discussions of a political nature ; by inviting them to exercise a controlling influence over their representatives out of session, as well as when the Legislature sits ; in fine, by calling into existence a powerful and united public opinion on all great questions affecting the well-being of the province and its inhabitants. This is what the League contemplates.' It is also desirous that in choosing our representatives we should see that, at any rate, they possess a small modicum of brains ; and that, through ©ur inertia, no traitor or man of mean capacity be sent to the Legislature to bring discredit and disaster on the province. If we had evinced such a spirit years ago we should not be now bemoaning our unlucky position, financially considered. Our members in the General Assembly would have been forced by the strength of public opinion to make a stand for the interests of their constituencies; they would not have acted "like dumb dogs that cannot bark," inviting, literally inviting, the encroachments of the South. We should not have lost the seat of Government, nor experienced the subsequent evils that fell to our lot consequent on the removal of the capital, 3. The objections raised against it. - Many of these are absurd and' contradictory in themselves, and utterly devoid of truth. One is the alleged want of weight in the community of the members of the Provisional Committee, who, it is asaerted, arrogate to themselves the position of leaders of the public. They do nothing of the kind. They merely act in the capacity of provisional committeemen, till the full Council-is chosen. They are not cv. u intent on becoming members of the Uttor.

Thevwiah to leave the mutter wholly with the public. Even wore they to be elected, they would form bat a very waall portion of the Council, as the ; latter will number 25 members. But why do not thoie gentlemen who are so quick iv discerning defects in our organisation— if our principles ar good, as they must in all oandour admit— come and help us ! Why not reader us their valuable assistance, and help us to make the League better than it is, instead of standing aloof, and trying to work its downfall? . . 4. The measure of success which la likely to attend it. This depends upon the support a liberal public will give ft. If they are left to their own unbiassed wishes and judgment they will do it justice, but if they allow themselves to be hoodwinked and prejudiced by its enemies, and the movement should come to a disastrous issue, the fault will he with them, not with the institution itself. It is time for me to conclude, but, before doing so, I wish to make a feW remarks relative to a statement made by a gentleman at the meet.ng of last Wednesday evening. He said "the community migM depend upon it that the people who could alone lead the public were persons who had a stake in the community." But who are the persons who have this "stake f Surely they cannot be confiaed to those individuals who happen to have amassed fortunes by some lucky speculation, and whose hearts are so bound up in their money that, if the interests ■ of their pockets aad the real welfare oi their oountry were to come into collision, they would not hesitate a moment m sacrificing their oountry to their avaricious propensities. I think a man of moderate inooma who makes the oolony or province his permanent abode, and whose famify connections are settled in it, has a "stake" in the community, maugre wise Mr. Hurst's opinion to the contrary. But it does not follow— and this point seems to be misunderstood in this community— that a man of large fortune is the best fitted to lead the community. Some seem to forget that statesmanship is a science that requires some preliminary study and natural ability besides the possession of wealth. You might as well imagine that a shoemaker could, without studying mathematics and so forth, in a moment become a good engineer, as that a roan who has been engrossed all the days of his life in the accumulation p.f money could suddenly become an accomplished statesman, capable of leading a community like this, without having obtained some previous knowledge of political economy. . , With reference to the meeting at the Mechanics Institute of the Bth instant, I will make a remark or two. Mr. Hurst and others went there for the express' purpose of making a disturbance, and thwarting the objects of the promoters of the League. He cannot deny the charge, for his tactics were too transparent not to be seen through. I will offer Mr. Hursb a piece of advice-" pon't bo too ambitious ; your genius does not He in the polifcica.l line j leave the active participation in politics to others, and you will cease to be a butt for the laughter of every bumpkiD, and an object for all sensible men to smile at and commiserate." Very different was the codduct of Major Cooper. He acted in a manly and independent way. He did not act as the tool or mouthpiece of any predominant clique. His speech was characterised by energy of thought and expression. He spoke to the point, and did not lose himself in a cloud of vapouring nonsense." On the whole, the spirit of the meeting was on the side of the League, but it was certainly disconcerted by the adverse tactics of the opposition. In this letter I have boldly spoken out m some places, I have not disguised my sentiments. I think, in politics, as well as in other matters, a free and honest expression of opinion is the best, though it may bring down vials of wrath upon the unfortunate writer.— Yours, &0., Richard Matthews. April 13, 1867.