Mussolini on Himself

Dominion, Volume 22, Issue 70, 15 December 1928, Page 17

Mussolini on Himself

The following extract from “Benito Mussolini —My Autobiography,” just published, reveals an interesting glimpse of the Italian Duce as he sees himself.

4 4 A FTER all, sirs, what butterflies are we looking for under the ' arch of Titus?” he asks. “Well, I declare here in front of this I assembly, in front, of all the Italian people, that I assume, A X, I alone, the political, moral, historical responsibility about everything that has happened. If sentences, more or less maimed, are enough to hang a man, out with the noose! If Fascism has only been castor-oil or club, and not a proud passion of the best Italian youth, the blame is on me! “If Fascism has been a criminal association, if all the violences have been the result of a determined historical, political, moral deliquency, the responsibility of this is on me, because I have created it with my propaganda from the time of our intervention in the war to this moment. “My Government, in December, 1922, gave an admonition to the Fascists themselves. It was in the following terms: — “ ‘Every Fascist must be a guardian of order. Every disturber is an enemy, even if he carries in his pocket the identification card of the party.’ “Thus, in a few words, the position and the duty of the party in the life of the Fascist regime were indicated.” “When, in Parliament,” Mussolini adds later in his biography, and this is an unexpected revelation, “I pronounced my first speech of November 16, 1922, after the Fascist revolution, I concluded by invoking the assistance of God in my difficult task. Well, this sentence of mine seemed to be out of place! In the Italian Parliament, a field of action of Italian Masonry, the name of God has been banned for a long time. Not even the Popular Party—the so-called Catholic Party—had ever thought of speaking of God. “In Italy, a political man did not even turn bis thought to the Divinity. And, even if he had ever thought of it, political opportunism and cowardice would have prevented him, particularly in a legislative assembly. It remained for me to make this bold innovation! And in an intense moment of revolution. What is the truth? It is that a faith openly professed is a sign of strength. “I have seen the religious spirit bloom again: Churches once more arc crowded, the ministers of God are themselves surrounded by new respect. Fascism had done, and is doing, its duty. . . .” But he adds this significant phrase:—

“Faith in Italy has been strengthened. Fascism gives impulse and vigour to the religion of the country. But it will never be able for any reason to renounce the sovereign rights of the State and of the functions of the State”—which rather goes, to show that he does not look to the Church or any other similar agency to help him in his rule. “I was the leader of the revolution and chief of the Government at thirty-nine. Not only have I not finished my job, but I often feel that I have not even begun it,” he writes in a concluding chapter. “The better part comes toward me. I go toward it at this moment. However, I take pride in affirming that I have laid solid foundations for the building of Fascism. Many ask me what will be my policy in the future, and where lies my final objective. “My answers are here. I ask nothing for myself, noi for mine. no material goods, no honours, no testimonials, no resolutions of approval which presume to consecrate me to history. My objective is simple, I want to make Italy great, respected and feared: I want to render my nation worthy of her noble and ancient traditions. . . . “I desire our nation to conquer again, with Fascist vigour, some decades or perhaps a century of lost history. Our garrison is the party, which has demonstrated its unreplacable strength. I have trust in young people. Their spiritual and material life is led by attentive, quick minds and by ardent hearts. Ido not reject advice, even from opponents, whenever they are honest. I cover with my contempt, dishonest and lying opponents, slanderers, deniers of the country, and everyone who drowns every sense of dignity, every sentiment of National and human solidarity in the filthy cesspool of low grudges. Defeated ones who cluck to the wind, survivors of a building which toppled for ever, accomplices in the ruin and shame in which the country was going to be dragged, sometimes do not even have the dignity of silence. . . . “I have annihilated in myself every egotism: I, like the most devoted of citizens, place upon myself and on every beat of my heart service to the Italian people. I proclaim myself their servant. I feel that all Italians understand and love me; I know that only he is loved who leads without weakness, without deviation, and with disinterest and full faith. “Therefore going over what I have already done, I know that Fascismo, being a creation of the Italian, has met and will meet his real necessities, and so unconquerably fashioned to give its indelible impression to the twentieth century of history.”