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INDIFFERENCE

A GREAT PERIL TO AUSTRALIA

JEEACHEROUS GERMAN SOCIALISTS

{ fir. G. S. Beeby, New South Wales Ui/ .iister of Labour and Industry, who hit e been under strict mcdical orders no it to do any serious work for some weeks, and who lias been particularly aH Ivised to refrain from platform work, m .ado the following statement last keek:— "It is, I think, to he deeply rcj] ;retted that the early anticipation that i jhe present referendum campaign would 1 be carried through without bitterness and recrimination has not been realised. Some of this bitterness is undoubtedly caused by the too-frequeni iteration of the cry that every elector who does not support tho proposals as outlined is disloyal. Every advocate of the proposals who makes this statement fails to understand the confused state of the public mind. "I am convinced that the actua. disloyal element iu Australia to-day is negligible, and that the bulk of tlio opposition arises from misunderstanding and misrepresentation. Theatrical displays of force and attempts to impugn tho good faith of all opponents of the Government's proposals must react and in the end injure tho prospect of securing an affirmative vote. There is no doubt that on the last referendum campaign tens of thousands of electors, controlled by a variety of motives, voted with perfect honesty of purpose against the then proposals. "The only chance of success ill the present campaign is to realise ■ the point of view of the great body of electors who are still in doubt regarding the issue, and many of whom are still inclined to vote 'No.' The danger lies in two directions. A large number of people whose loyalty cannot he in any way impugned are indifferent as'to the result of the war. They have lio conception of the tremendous issues involved in the struggle. They have been misled by the effect of the past policy of censorship. The true facts, the growing dangers of the situation, and the possibility of the ultimate triumph of the Germanic policy, have uot been nut before them. "For the first two or threo_ years of the war they were led to believe that all was well, and that it was only a matter.of time when the cause of the Allies would finally triumph. They were encouraged in various ways to go on as though no war was in progress. Even to-day they do not realise that.

The Allies' Immediate Problems. "The immediate problem before tho Allies is not when they will triumph, but whether they will triumph at all. Some people do not comprehend what a German dictated peace really means to civilisation. This war is not merely a fight between, nation's for territory or for trade supremacy. It is a mpreme contest between the principals of democracy and of autocratic government. Democracy to-day does not merely indicate a method of electing Parliaments bv popular vote. Tho terin embraces all that makes organised social life endurable to a free people. It includes all those minor liberties and privileges which are peculiar and dear to the Anglo-Saxon races. It means progress by means of a corporate spirit as against the regimentation of the individual by a self-appointed aifd privileged oligarchy. If Germany and her allies triumph in the conflict the ever expanding conception of democratic government will lie thrown back , for half a century. Individual liberty will he steadily curtailed, and civilisation will for generations to come repeat '_th 6 struggle of the past century against government by privileged minorities. "Tho outstanding responsibility of those who are supporting the present referendum proposals is to convince 'indifferent electors of tho greatness of the issue involved, and tho solemnity of the obligations of democratic nations. A glib answer to this statement is that Germany is becoming democratised, and will before long, by internal revolution, overthrow the military oligarchy, which at present controls Contral Europe and the Balkan States. But every incident of the last five years is against this assumption. The gross treachery of German Socialists in international conferences has now been exposed. Under the guidance of the Imperial authorities, the Socialists of Germany have persistently encouraged other countries to adopt a policy of disarmament. While: hypocritically posing as opponents of militarism, and in every way undermining the fighting power of other nations, they were steadily organising for this war. When the present conflict began 110 body of men rushed more eagerly into tho fray than did the Socialists of Germany. "As a political party in Germany "the Socialists have practically disappeared. Before the war they held a commanding position in the Reichstag. Once the war started, however, this political force vanished. With the exception of a few intellectuals who folio .red Liebknccht, German Socialists became frantic Imperialists. To-day the Social democratic forces of Germany sre as solidly behind the war policy o? tho Kaiser as are all other German political factions, \

"Kultur" by the Sword. 'They will only really begin to talk peace and disarmament when they havo succeeded in wrosting large areas of new territory from other countries, and think they can at will impose their "kultur" on tlio nations which mo not completely crushed. It is difficult to begin to answer the objections which arc lurking in tlio minds of those who arc fully seized with their responsibilities, but are in doubt as to the course they should tako. Those electors bitterly resent tne> suggestion that they are disloyalists, or that they are indifferent as to tho result of the war. Their minds ore affected by a variety of conclusions which call for careful consideration and reply. One very large section is influenced by the argument that Australia should not adopt that system of compulsory militarism which has made tho present European war possible. Those who are affected by this argument fail absolutely to realise the advantages of democratic government. _ Permanent militarism is only possible in countries in which a military caste can impose its will on a majority of the people. In Germany and Austria, Parii.iment can in no way control or shape national policies. The maintenance of huge armies; the building up of new navies is solely dictated and controlled by oligarchies that are beyond popular control. In France compulsory military service exists by tho will of the people. The maintenance of France's great conscript army is tlio deliberate act of tho people themselves, as a means of defence against the everthreatened invasion of their country by Germany.

In Australia'we havo a more democratic form of government even than in France. Militarism in a European sense can never be imposed on Australia except by popular vote, ft was by popular vote that we adopted a system of compulsory service for home defence. No one disputes that by the same vote wo could amend or repeal the present Commonwealth Defence Act. When this war is over tho question of to what extent wo are to maintain forces for the i defence of Australia is a matter entirely in the hands of the people themselves." r

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19171220.2.44

Bibliographic details

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 74, 20 December 1917, Page 8

Word Count
1,172

INDIFFERENCE Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 74, 20 December 1917, Page 8

INDIFFERENCE Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 74, 20 December 1917, Page 8

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