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The Dominion. MONDAY, JULY 16, 1917. THE GERMAN CHANCELLOR'S DOWNFALL

The resignation of the Gerraar Imperial Chancellor, Here voj Bethmann-Holmveg, is no doubt b to added to other recent indication oi German uneasiness and unrest At the- same time, and though it co incides with an annojafceement tha too IvAiSEii, has promised to reforn tho Prussian franchise in time fo: tho next election, it is an even upon which exaggerated expecta tions might easily be founded. Th< mere, tacfj 'chat talk of constitutiona reioi'm is in the air is suggestive aud tho Kaiser's promise of elec foral reform in Prussia is a definite indication that he feels it necessari to make some concession to publi" opinion. But tho aim of the Kaisei those sections in Prussia, ant the Empire which support his auto cratic powe:r v is assuredly to aten and not fo assist tho march of demo cratic progress. The German peopl< have given no convincing proof tha they are inspired by a determine, ti.on to extort genuino constitutiona reforms. They have yet to shov that tho war has lifted thorn out o: tho_ condition described by ono o. liheir ablest political leader; (Prince Bulow) when he said: Wβ are not a political people. . . Wβ have not failed to realise- our owi peculiar political shortcomings. Bu vchixt we did lack, and what wo stil oiten lack, is the art of proceeding fron insight to practical application, uml tin greater art of doing tho right thing politically, by a euro creative instinct instead of only after much thought am considerable cogitation. . . . As far as its leading features car t>o grasped, the situation whioh ex lsts in Germany to-day is that of ai autocratic ruler and tho very limit cd circle who- share his power intriguing and scheming to preserve that power substantially unimpair cd, and to that end deluding the people with promises of reforrr which they have no idea of carrying honestly into effect. As an American writer remarked of a promise of electoral reform made by the Kaiser somo time ago, such a promise in itself illustrates the political ideals that prevail in Germany. It implies that any concessions to popular government must come frore the throne. "Until Germany outgrows this conception," he added, 'and accepts tho fundamental democratic principle that tho people themselves and not their 'august master arc to determino their form oi government, there- is little hope i suggesting popular rule. This applies in full force tc the conditions disclosed to-day, and it has a bearing on the removal of the Imperial Chancellor. While in general he freely adjusted his policy to the demands of the moment, tfBTHMANN-HoLLWEG determinedly opposed such reforms as tho Kaieek, in his capacity as King of Prussia, nas now thrown as a sop tc his subjects. This attitude may nave had something to do with his fall, but it would obviously bo misrepresenting the facts to suggest that he has been swept aside by democratic forces because ho opposed liberal reforms. Tho principal reason evidently is that he is no longei considered a suitablo instrument for carrying out the will and promoting the schemes of his Imperial master. In deciding to discard BethjtannHolmveg, tho Kaiseb was probably at least as much intent upon concreating the most conservative "elements in tho German Empiro as upon making some apparent concession to democratic sentiment. The late Chancellor, though ho contrived to hold office continuously from 190S onwards, and so during nearly three years of world-war, was a man witt many enemies, and thoso of his enemies who belong to the Conservativo and Pan-German parties have at all times been more bitter and outspoken in their hostility than tho Sooialiste and others who pressed for political reforms. Indeed, bc far as the parties in tho Reichstag are concerned, hostility to tho exChancellor on tho ground of his opposition to political reform seems tc have been largely stage-managed, For instance, when both Socialist parties in the Reichstag at tho end of March voted against the third reading of the Emergency Budget, well-informed commentators freelj expressed the opinion that this so called revolt was a sham, and thai the wholo debate was artificial anc pre-arranged. Betkmann-Hollwec closed tho elebate with a speech ir which ho declared himself firmly op

posed to opening the question of electoral reform while tho nation was engaged in a war of existence and while a great number of electors were standing in the field. As has been remarked, the fact that the 'Kaiser has found it expedient to depart, ostensibly at all events, from this policy may in part account for the Chancellor's downfall. But visible enmity to Bethaiann-Holl-■weq engendered by his opposition to electoral reform pales in comparison with tho furious denunciations levelled against him by irreconcilable- Conservatives and PanGermans. Tho storm of denunciation began, jvfcon jha admitted and.

even emphasised the I'aefc that Germany had violated Uio law of nations in invading Belgium, and his use oi tho plu-aso "sera]) of paper " in an historic conversation with the British Ambassador, has also been frequently raised as an illustration ot nis inept blundering. In recent days the past events of ths war havo been industrj<i U sly raked over in die search /'or further charges to lay at tho Chancellor's door. The ConservafcVo Tagcs Zcitiint/, for example, assorted not long ago (.hat fereo or four days' delay in German mobilisation at tho outset of tho war, duo to the Chancellor's hesitating policy, caused the loss of tho Battle of the Maine, and so deprived Germany of an early and decisive trinnrph. The same newspaper accused the Chancellor of throwing , away a Eccoricl chance of terminating the war by opposing ruthless submarino warfare. It quotes Conrad von Hoetzendohfk, late Austrian Commander-in-Chief, as saying recently: "The war would have been over long ago if the submarine campaign had begun a year earlier." During the last few months tho PanGermans and aunexationists havo conducted an organised campaign against the Chancellor, a favourite prtictice being to compare him, greatly to his disadvantage, with Bismarck. It is a point of great importance that many of those who have most stronglv supported tho agitation for the downfall of Beth-MANN-HoUiWEG arc at the same timethose who stand definitely and determinedly opposed _ to democratic reform. As an indication of tho political trend in Germany, his retirement is inconclusive. His personal discomfiture is modified by the fact that in selecting a new Chancellor tho Kaiser has passed over the strong men and popular idols of tho day, and elevated a 'subordinate- member of tho Prussian Ministry. Although Betiijiann-Holv WEGQ-has gone, it seems highly probable that his policy of shifty opportunism will be as far as possible maintained, and this no doubt applies to electoral reform as well as to othev issues with -which his successor is called upon tp_ deal. It is also a distinct possibility that his removal may be tho preliminary step to a now p'eace campaign which, it will he less embarrassing for his successor to conduct with some appearance of sincerity.

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Bibliographic details

Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3137, 16 July 1917, Page 4

Word Count
1,176

The Dominion. MONDAY, JULY 16, 1917. THE GERMAN CHANCELLOR'S DOWNFALL Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3137, 16 July 1917, Page 4

The Dominion. MONDAY, JULY 16, 1917. THE GERMAN CHANCELLOR'S DOWNFALL Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3137, 16 July 1917, Page 4